Foreign Relations
U.S.-Africa Archive
STOPPING THE RESOURCE WARS IN AFRICA.
World Resource Institute. Sarah McHaney and Peter Veit. August 10, 2009.
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The armed groups in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo are funded by the region’s abundant natural resources. The authors discuss Two bills are now in Congress, the Congo Conflict Minerals Act and the Extractive Industries Transparency Disclosure Act. These two bills would require companies listed on the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) to disclose new information in their financial reporting and help ensure that such minerals do not support the conflict.
[Note: contains copyrighted material.]
U.S. POLICY SHIFT NEEDED IN THE HORN OF AFRICA.
Council on Foreign Relations. Bronwyn E. Bruton. August 6, 2009.
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U.S. strategic interests in the Horn of Africa center on preventing Somalia from becoming a safe haven for al-Qaeda or other transnational jihadist groups. In pursuing its counter terror strategy, the United States has found common cause with Ethiopia, says the author. The United States has recently taken positive steps to disaggregate its Somalia policy from that of Ethiopia. These steps include diplomatic outreach to Eritrea and public attempts to restrain Ethiopian military action in response to the escalating violence in Mogadishu.
[Note: contains copyrighted material.]
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Shinn, David H. AFRICA: THE UNITED
STATES AND CHINA COURT THE CONTINENT (Journal of International Affairs,
vol. 62, no. 2, Spring/Summer 2009, pp. 37-53)
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The United States and China are the most important actors in Africa and share similar goals, writes Shinn, an adjunct professor at George Washington University and former Foreign Service officer. Both seek raw materials such as oil, political and economic support in world forums from African countries, and to increase exports as Africa’s economy grows. Despite these similarities, the U.S. and China have different strategies of dealing with Africa, and can learn from each other. The U.S. should approach African governments with more humility, have more personal contact with its leaders, and contribute more security personal to United Nations peacekeeping operations in Africa. China should speak more forcefully with African leaders about corruption, poor governance and human rights abuses, and expand its contact with Africa’s civil society, labor unions, non-government organizations and opposition political parties. China should also join the United States in training Africans to take part in peacekeeping operations, and be more open about its aid and investment in Africa. Finally, the United States and China should cooperate to benefit each other and African nations, in areas including peacekeeping operations, energy development, public health, environmental practices, and building Africa’s export capacity.
SOUTH AFRICA: CURRENT ISSUES AND U.S. RELATIONS [RL31697]
Lauren Ploch, Analyst in African Affairs, Congressional Research Service, Library of Congress. Updated April 15, 2009
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Released just before South Africa’s national elections, this updates the January 2009 edition of this report.
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Pham, J. Peter AFRICOM STANDS UP (World Defense Review, October 2, 2008)
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The author, Director of the Nelson Institute for International and Public Affairs at James Madison University, says the new sixth U.S. regional military command, which became fully operational October 1, 2008, is defined by the goal of empowering Africans and other partners to deal with the man-made and natural challenges facing Africa, fighting terrorism and protecting access to strategic resources on the continent. He says the civilian experts and military officers that staff AFRICOM know well that diplomatic outreach, political persuasion and economic programs are the key to the success of U.S. policy in Africa. Will the command succeed in its mission over time? The author says only time will tell “but given the strategic interests at stake, both for the United States and for its African partners, it is an effort certainly worth undertaking.”
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St. John, Ronald Bruce LIBYA AND THE UNITED STATES: A FAUSTIAN PACT? (Middle East Policy, vol. 15, no. 1, Spring 2008, pp. 133-148)
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Having served on the International Advisory Board of THE JOURNAL OF LIBYAN STUDIES, Dr. St. John feels both the United States and Libya have much to gain from a deeper relationship. Before establishing broader ties with Libya, the U.S. expects this country to end support for terrorism, acknowledge responsibility for the actions of Libyan officials, pay all appropriate compensation to the families of victims of the Lockerbie bombing, and eliminate weapons of mass destruction. Though the Libyan decision to renounce unconventional weapons marked a rare success for traditional arms-control diplomacy, issues of democracy and human rights have also been added to the list of American concerns about Libya.
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Palmer, Jeffrey S. LEGAL IMPEDIMENTS TO USAFRICOM OPERATIONALIZATION (Joint Forces Quarterly, vol. 51, no 4, October 2008, pp. 79-85)
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The author writes that among the African nations that comprise the new U.S. command, USAFRICOM, less than a third have an international agreement to address the future presence of American military forces. Palmer says a pan-African Status of Forces Agreement (SOFA) could easily be tailored to nations that already belong to regional organizations such as the Economic Community of West African States, the Southern African Development Community or the East African Community. If the new command intends to have a long-term pro-active, peacetime role in stabilization, conflict prevention and building capability through partnerships in Africa, he said “a robust multinational agreement that enables a full spectrum of military engagement is essential.” The article, which includes an excellent map showing what agreements have been signed by U.S. and African partners, states that USAFRICOM, which began taking shape in October 2007, must be chartered with specific legislation in order “to pursue in nontraditional agenda.” Without the statutory mechanism for its mission, Palmer warns, the new command will be “hamstrung, in need of funds, limited in effect, and lacking credibility.” While a fragmented approach to international agreements may well have worked for military commands in other regions of the world, he says, such an arrangement would undermine the flexibility of strategic engagement that is at the heart of USAFRICOM. The Defense Department, with approval by the State Department, should negotiate and conclude SOFA or other applicable agreements to facilitate the command’s long-term strategic objectives.
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Owusu, Francis Y. POST-9/11 U.S. FOREIGN AID, THE MILLENNIUM CHALLENGE ACCOUNT AND AFRICA: HOW MANY BIRDS CAN ONE STONE KILL? (Africa Today, Vol. 54, No. 1, Fall, 2007, pp. 1-21)
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The U.S. post-9/11 approach to foreign aid has focused on linking poverty to international terrorism. But some question this linkage and evidence shows that the roots of terrorism go beyond economics, Owusu writes. After 9/11, the Bush administration created the Millennium Challenge Account, which rewards countries with good policy performance as measured against certain indicators and denies funding programs in countries with weaker governance. But Owusu charges that this approach "punishes" countries for their past leadership mistakes and does little to help current leaders solve their problems. Further, he says some countries that have made governance mistakes in the past, or "failed countries," are those that should be major recipients of MCA funding -- most of the poorest people live in failed states, he says. He says if the premise that failed states provide a haven for international terrorism is accepted, the merit-based criteria MCA uses in making funding decisions undermines the objective of eliminating poverty and in essence, the goal of combating terrorism. The MCA reflects a shift in U.S. foreign assistance away from the U.S. Agency for International Development by creating a new administrative agency. Instead of designing around USAID, the Bush administration should have made foreign aid disbursement changes within it. One of the harshest criticisms Owusu sets forth is that MCA does not interact well with the international community's existing poverty reduction initiatives.
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Munson, Robert DO WE WANT TO “KILL
PEOPLE AND BREAK THINGS” IN AFRICA? A HISTORIAN’S THOUGHTS ON AFRICA
COMMAND (Strategic Studies Quarterly, vol. 2, no. 1, Spring 2008, pp
97-110)
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U.S. Air Force Reserve Major Robert Munson says not to expect a great transformation in U.S. policy in Africa with the establishment of U.S. Africa Command in October 2008. Such a transformation is unlikely, he writes, because it would mean the U.S. would have to shift its emphasis away from its traditional European ties, expanding bonds with Asia, and attention to conflict in the Middle East. He says AFRICOM should be structured so that U.S. interests and programs coincide with traditional U.S. allies and partners in Africa and the U.S. military effort has to be integrated with cross-continent political and development initiatives. The new command, Munson writes, should emphasize non-traditional military missions. The U.S. must approach African nations as equals and work to build beneficial relationships, according to the author. AFRICOM can especially help African peacekeepers with the transportation, equipment and supplies that they need to be effective. By partnering with Africans and helping solve their problems, Munson said future U.S. access to ports and airports will ease.
AFRICOM: THE ROAD AHEAD FOR UNITED STATES AFRICA COMMAND.
Brookings Institution, May 27, 2008.
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Transcript of talk at the Brookings Institution, featuring Vice Admiral Robert T. Moeller, Deputy for Military Operations, US Africa Command.
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Natsios, Andrew S. BEYOND DARFUR: SUDAN'S SLIDE TOWARD CIVIL WAR (Foreign Affairs, vol. 87, no. 3, May/June 2008, 77-93)
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While the crisis in Sudan’s western Darfur remains in the spotlight, the former U.S. Special Envoy to Sudan calls attention to the lingering tensions that threaten to unravel the tenuous North-South peace; the plight of Sudan’s Nubian minority; and the breakdown of yet another peace agreement between eastern Sudan’s Beja and Rashaida communities, all of which conspire to make the free and fair 2008 elections key to the country’s future and security in the broader region. The international community must continue to impress upon Khartoum the importance of addressing these challenges and avoiding another civil war, but even engagement may not be enough.
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Englebert, Pierre; Tull, Denis POSTCONFLICT RECONSTRUCTION IN AFRICA: FLAWED IDEAS ABOUT FAILED STATES (International Security, vol. 32, no. 4, Spring 2008, pp. 106-139)
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Englebert, professor at Pomona College and Tull, researcher at the German Institute for International and Security Affairs, assert that post-conflict state reconstruction has become a priority of donors in Africa. Still, externally sponsored reconstruction efforts have met with limited success in the region. This is partly due to three flawed assumptions on which reconstruction efforts are predicated. The first is that Western state institutions can be transferred to Africa; the poor record of past efforts to reshape African political and economic institutions casts doubts on the overly ambitious objectives of failed-state reconstruction. Secondly, Western donors mistakenly believe that African leaders share their objectives; donors typically misread the nature of African politics. For local elites, reconstruction is the continuation of war and competition for resources by new means, hence their strategies are often inimical to the building of strong public institutions. Finally, donors believe they are capable of rebuilding African states; however, their ambitious goals are inconsistent with their means. Nonetheless, the authors believe that African societies are capable of recovery, as Somaliland and Uganda illustrate. Encouraging indigenous state formation efforts and constructive bargaining between social forces and governments might prove a more fruitful approach for donors to the problem of Africa’s failed states.
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Hemmer, Christopher US POLICY TOWARDS NORTH AFRICA: THREE OVERARCHING THEMES (Middle East Policy, vol. 14, no. 4, Winter 2007, pp. 55-66)
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For decades the U.S. has lacked a coherent regional policy for North Africa, a trend that is beginning to change as ties with Libya and Algeria begin to improve. The author, professor at the Air War College, encourages policymakers to build a mature, more nuanced approach to the region, by offering a recent review of country-specific policy successes in the region. Continued support on common concerns such as terrorism will depend on willingness to help countries confront regional challenges and avoiding a tendency toward “with us or against us” diplomacy, supporting opposition within countries in the name of promoting democracy, even if they are not necessarily pro-American.
AFRICOM Update
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Esterhuyse, Abel THE IRAQIZATION OF AFRICA? LOOKING AT AFRICOM FROM A SOUTH AFRICAN PERSPECTIVE (Strategic Studies Quarterly, vol. 2, no. 1, Spring 2008, pp. 111-130)
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U.S. AFRICA COMMAND: CHALLENGES AND OPPORTUNITIES. Brett D. Schaefer and Mackenzie M. Eaglen, Heritage Foundation, March 21, 2008
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AFRICOM SEEKS MILITARY-TO-MILITARY RELATIONSHIPS. Stephanie Hanson, Council on Foreign Relations, May 22, 2008
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AFRICOM’S REGIONAL ENGAGEMENT. American Diplomacy, May 2008
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U.S. AFRICA COMMAND. By U.S. Navy Cmdr. Denise Shorey, AFRICOM public affairs, CHIPS (April – June 2008)
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Lyakhovich, Diana THE UNITED STATES AFRICA COMMAND INITIATIVE IS NOT WELCOME IN AFRICA; Toomey, James, ROLLING UP SLEEVES AT THE UNITED STATES AFRICA COMMAND: TIPS FOR STARTING A NEW JOB IN AFRICAN SECURITY ASSISTANCE (The Disam Journal of International Security Assistance Management, Vol 30, No. 1, March 2008)
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Kfir, Isaac THE CHALLENGE THAT IS US AFRICOM (JFQ: Joint Force Quarterly, Spring 2008 Issue 49, p110-113)
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Bah, A. Sarjoh and Aning, Kwesi US PEACE OPERATIONS POLICY IN AFRICA: FROM ACRI TO AFRICOM (International Peacekeeping; March 2008, Vol. 15 Issue 1, p118-132)
Full text available from your nearest American Library
AFRICA COMMAND: U.S. STRATEGIC INTERESTS AND THE ROLE OF THE U.S. MILITARY IN AFRICA [RL34003]. Lauren Ploch, Congressional Research Service, Library of Congress. March 10, 2008.
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End of Africom Update
KENYA: POLICY OPTIONS PAPER.
Council on Foreign Relations. Michelle D. Gavin. Web posted April 9, 2008.
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On December 27, 2007, Kenya held local, parliamentary, and presidential elections. Though voting day itself was largely peaceful and orderly, serious irregularities occurred in the tabulation of results for the tightly contested presidential election. This paper examines how the United States should respond to Kenya’s political crisis in the wake of the power-sharing deal announced on February 28, 2008 and what steps it should take to promote political and ethnic reconciliation and to restore the viability of Kenya’s governing institutions.
[Note: contains copyrighted material].
SOUTH AFRICA: CURRENT ISSUES AND U.S. RELATIONS.
Congressional Research Service, RL31697, Library of Congress. Lauren Ploch. Web posted March 23, 2008.
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The Republic of South Africa remains a regional superpower and is considered to be one of the United States’ two strategic partners on the continent, the other being Nigeria. With the largest Gross Domestic Product (GDP) of any African nation and a president eager to play an active role in the promotion of regional peace and stability, South Africa is poised to have a substantial impact on the economic and political future of Africa. U.S. – South African relations are cordial though potentially problematic differences exist with respect to the situations in Zimbabwe, Iran, and Iraq.
PRESIDENT BUSH'S AFRICA TRIP.
Center for Strategic and International Studies, Africa Program. Stephen Morrison. February 19, 2008.
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When President Bush entered office in 2001, there were low expectations that Africa would merit much if any attention. This month’s tour, near the end of President Bush’s tenure in the White House, highlights four signature policy initiatives that have had significant impact in Africa, changed the pattern of U.S. foreign assistance delivered to the continent, and generally enjoyed broad bipartisan support among Americans.
[Note: Contains copyrighted material.]
GHANA: BACKGROUND AND U.S. RELATIONS.
Congressional Research Service, RS22809, Library of Congress. Nicholas Cook. February 14, 2008.
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This report provides background information on current developments in Ghana and U.S. bilateral relations with Ghana.
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McFate, Sean U.S. AFRICA COMMAND: A NEW STRATEGIC PARADIGM? (Military Review, vol. 88, no. 1, January-February 2008, pp. 10-21)
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McFate, an African security expert, says that the theme of partnership is heavily engrained in all discussions about the U.S. military’s newest command – that would be partnering with African nations, non-governmental and private voluntary organizations, and inter-governmental entities including the Departments of State, Homeland Security, Justice and Treasury. Why AFRICOM now? The author points to a confluence of reasons including Africa’s increased geopolitical importance, the need for counterweights against terrorism and drug, human and small-arms trafficking as well as competition with China for influence and access to natural resources. There is also the recognition that while African military forces are more than willing to participate in regional organizations such as the African Union and the Economic Community of West African States, they may “lack the command, training, equipment, logistics and institutional infrastructure required for complex peacekeeping.” He also says the new command offers the opportunity to focus on conflict prevention vs. conflict reaction. By focusing on pre-conflict operations, AFRICOM will help prevent problems from escalating into crises and “crises from becoming conflicts.” This vision will be aided by AFRICOM’s structure which “will be the most civilian-heavy unified command in history” with civilians filling key decision-making slots. To succeed, he writes, AFRICOM must embrace a new paradigm “that regards security and development as inextricably linked and mutually reinforcing.”
ZIMBABWE.
Lauren Ploch. Congressional Research Service (CRS), Library of Congress. Updated December 6, 2007.
Full Text [pdf format, 46 pages]
In 1980, Zimbabwe’s prospects looked promising. It had gained independence, had steady economic growth, and provided free education and widespread access to health care. However, challenges such as rising inflation, unemployment, and student and labor protests, grew in the 1990s. President Robert Mugabe’s government is now seen as “autocratic and repressive by its critics, and its human rights record is poor.” The Secretary of State has called Zimbabwe an “outpost of Tyranny,” and the U.S. has enforced sanctions against its top officials and associates.
This report includes recent developments and reactions from the international community and will be updated as warranted.
AFRICA-CHINA-U.S. TRILATERAL DIALOGUE: SUMMARY REPORT.
The Brenthurst Foundation, Chinese Academy of Social Science, Council on Foreign Relations (CFR), and Leon H. Sullivan Foundation. December 2007.
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This report provides insight into a trilateral process initiated to challenge the idea that the U.S. and China are in competition for influence and resources in Africa. Thirty-seven individuals from Africa, China, and the U.S. participated. They determined that there is no “inherent strategic conflict” between China and the U.S. and that Sino-American cooperation is mutually beneficial to Africa’s development and integration into the global economy. However, differences in policies and methods of operations between China and the U.S. were identified, and participants agree that there is a need for further dialogue.
[Note: Contains copyrighted material.]
PLANNING FOR POST-MUGABE ZIMBABWE. Michelle D. Gavin. Center for Preventive Action, Council on Foreign Relations (CFR). Web posted November 7, 2007.
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“Once among sub-Saharan Africa’s most prosperous and promising states, Zimbabwe has been driven by mismanagement to social and economic ruin.” This report urges the U.S. to take the lead on an international recovery and reconstruction plan after President Robert Mugabe’s departure. The author proposes several multilateral steps the U.S. could undertake now such as building a consensus for reform and establishing an international trust fund.
AFRICA COMMAND: U.S. STRATEGIC INTERESTS AND THE ROLE OF THE U.S. MILITARY IN AFRICA. Lauren Ploch. Congressional Research Service (CRS), Library of Congress. May 16, 2007.
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The Bush Administration recently announced its intention to create a new combatant command, Africa Common or AFRICOM, which will promote U.S. national security in Africa. The Administration envisions that the new area will encompass all African countries except Egypt. AFICOM’s mission will be to work with African states and organizations to strengthen stability and security in the region.
A transition team has started the implementation of the new command. It is expected to be sub-unified under EUCOM by October 2007, and achieve full capability by October 2008.