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Government & Politics

Governments Archive

JOINT SESSION ON CONGRESS PURSUANT TO HOUSE CONCURRENT RESOLUTION 41 TO RECEIVE A MESSAGE FROM THE PRESIDENT. Congressional Record. February 24, 2009.
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This is the full text of the President’s address to the joint session of Congress.

 HUGO CHAVEZ: A LAME DUCK NO MORE. Brookings Institution. Kevin Casas-Zamora. February 18, 2009.
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Having just celebrated his first decade in power, Venezuela’s President Hugo Chavez is here to stay. On February 15, he achieved a famous victory in the referendum that he had called to scrap the term limits that would have forced him to relinquish power in 2012. The length and severity of the current economic downturn, and the ability of the opposition to coalesce around a credible leader, will largely determine whether Chavez will ride on to another victory in 2012.
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TRADE-OFF TIME: HOW FOUR STATES CONTINUE TO DELIVER. Pew Center on the States. February 2009.
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As governors and policy leaders put together their budgets this year in the face of serious shortfalls, states that use performance data to make decisions about where to cut and what to keep are saving taxpayer dollars. More and more states, spurred by one of the most difficult fiscal environments in years, are making policy decisions based on research measuring the performance of government programs. The report features four states, Indiana, Maryland, Utah and Virginia, that are leaders in measuring the performance of government programs, and are making smarter budget decisions as a result.
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STRONG CONFIDENCE IN OBAMA – COUNTRY SEEN AS LESS POLITICALLY DIVIDED. Pew Research Center for the People & the Press. January 15, 2009.
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Public confidence in Barack Obama to deal with the nation’s most pressing problems is quite high, with about seven-in-ten saying they have at least a fair amount of confidence that he will do the right thing when it comes to mending the economy, preventing terrorism, and in dealing with Iraq. Notably, many Americans not only see the president-elect as a problem-solver, but as a “uniter” as well.
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100 Things Americas May Not Know About the Bush Administration Record. The White House. January 14, 2009.
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The White House shows Bush Administrations accomplishments.

POLICIES OF THE BUSH ADMINISTRATION, 2001-2009. The White House. January 14, 2009.
Full Text [PDF format, 44 pages]
The policies of the Bush Administration, 2001-2009 are covered.

EXECUTIVE BRANCH REORGANIZATION AND MANAGEMENT INITIATIVES. Congressional Research Service, RL33441, Library of Congress. Harold C. Relyea. Web posted January 2, 2009.
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The report provides a brief overview of recent executive branch reorganization actions and related management initiatives. It reviews the relevant plans and preparations of President-elect Barack Obama as the new Administration transitions to assuming management of the executive branch. Briefly examined, as well, are the organization and the management efforts of the most recent regimes.

GENDER EQUITY RECOMMENDATIONS FOR THE FIRST YEAR OF THE OBAMA ADMINISTRATION. National Coalition for Women & Girls in Education. December 2008.
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The National Coalition for Women and Girls in Education (NCWGE), a nonprofit organization of approximately 50 groups dedicated to improving educational opportunities for girls and women, describes its mission to the new administration. The Coalition works to enforce Title IX, the federal law that prohibits sex discrimination in education. Title IX affects all areas of education and promotes equity for both girls and boys.
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Bumiller, Elisabeth INSIDE THE PRESIDENCY (National Geographic, January 2009)
Available online
Although the occupant of the White House changes, most of the routines for the staff that assist the president stay the same. Bumiller gives an inside look at life in the White House or on the road with the president; she interviews Gary Walters, former chief usher of the Executive Mansion, who served as a manager of the White House for 31 years, spanning six presidencies. A staff of 90, including butlers, maids, chefs, elevator operators, florists, carpenters and electricians, runs the White House residence, which has been known to welcome up to 30,000 guests in a single week. The White House staff knows how the first family wants their bedrooms set up, what snacks they like, what toothpaste they use. But these perks come at a price -– first families foot the bill for personal items such as food and dry cleaning. In the article Joe Hagin, former deputy chief of staff in charge of operations, describes what it is like traveling on the road or on the plane with the president. He describes Air Force One as equipped with beds, exercise equipment and a fully functioning kitchen. He explains that the president travels with a contingent of hundreds overseas, but typically is in a “bubble” surrounded by close staffers and Secret Service agents. The article ends with a quote from former First Lady Barbara Bush: “presidents come and go. Butlers stay.”

MEMBERSHIP OF THE 111TH CONGRESS: A PROFILE. Congressional Research Service, Library of Congress. Mildred Amer and Jennifer E. Manning. December 31, 2008.
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The report presents a profile of the membership of the 111th Congress. Statistical information is included on selected characteristics of Members, including data on party affiliation, average age and length of service, occupation, religious affiliation, gender ethnicity, foreign births, and military service.

PARTY LEADERS IN THE UNITED STATES CONGRESS, 1789-2009. Congressional Research Service, RL30567, Library of Congress. Valerie Heitshusen. Web posted January 3, 2009.
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The report briefly describes current responsibilities and selection mechanisms for 15 House and Senate party leadership posts and provides tables with historical data, including service dates, party affiliation, and other information for each. Although party divisions appeared almost from the First Congress, the formally structured party leadership organizations now taken for granted are a relatively modern development.
The report shows the evolution of the current form.

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Packer, George THE NEW LIBERALISM (New Yorker, vol. 84, no. 37, November 17, 2008)
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After looking back at presidential history, interviewing President-elect Obama's advisors, and reviewing Obama's words from his books and campaign speeches, Packer tries to describe how Obama might lead the country. Packer compares this moment to the election of President Roosevelt in 1932 but believes in Obama's idea of "deliberative democracy", in which adults listen to one another -- "who attempt to persuade one another by means of argument and evidence, and who remain open to the possibility that they could be wrong." Obama reads widely from both the "right-wing and left-wing book clubs" but Packer states that Obama's liberalism is more procedural than substantive -- his most fervent belief is in rules and standards of serious debate. Packer believes that Obama will favor activist government in questions of social welfare such as jobs, income, health care and energy but will attempt to accommodate differences on social and legal issues such as guns, abortion, the death penalty, same-sex marriage, the courts and the constitution.

2008-2009 Presidential Transition Resources. General Services Administration and National Archives and Records Administration. November 2008.
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The Presidential Transition Act of 2000 (P.L. 106-293) authorizes the General Services Administration (GSA) to develop a transition directory in consultation with the National Archives and Records Administration (NARA). The Act provides that the transition directory "shall be a compilation of Federal publications and materials with supplementary materials developed by the Administrator that provides information on the officers, organization, and statutory and administrative authorities, functions, duties, responsibilities, and mission of each department and agency."

PASSING THE BATON: PREPARING FOR THE PRESIDENTIAL TRANSITION. Subcommittee on Government Management, Organization, and Procurement, House Committee on Oversight and Government Reform, U.S. Congress. September 24, 2008.
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On Wednesday, September 24, 2008, the Subcommittee held a hearing titled, “Passing the Baton: Preparing for the Presidential Transition.” The transition teams of the executive branch and the incoming administration will have much work to do to ensure that the incoming Administration can begin its work immediately. The hearing reviewed the steps that General Services Administration (GSA) is taking to fulfill its responsibility to assist members of the incoming and outgoing administrations. The hearing also reviewed expert research on federal executive management challenges surrounding the transition.

WHAT NOW? STAFFING THE WHITE HOUSE. Brookings Institution. Stephen Hess. November 10, 2008.
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The nerve center of the Executive Office of the President is the White House Office (WHO). It is imperative to choose certain White House officials immediately in order to move forward efficiently with the staffing process, from selection to confirmation, that shapes the administration. According to Hess, many problems of the Clinton transition arose because the president-elect, consumed, as he stated in his memoirs, with “micromanaging the cabinet appointments,” failed to appoint his White House staff, except for Chief of Staff Thomas F. McLarty, until six days before taking office.
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FACT SHEET: ENSURING A SMOOTH AND EFFECTIVE PRESIDENTIAL TRANSITION. White House. October 28, 2008.
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The Transition Coordination Council (TCC) will help ensure that the Administration's efforts are comprehensive and well coordinated. The TCC membership includes the President's Chief of Staff and others with authority and expertise in areas that affect a Presidential transition, as well as senior officials in critical areas such as national security, homeland security, and our economy.
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PRESIDENTIAL TRANSITIONS. Congressional Research Service, RL30736, Library of Congress. Stephanie Smith. February 11, 2008.
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Since President George Washington first relinquished his office to incoming President John Adams in 1797, this peaceful transition, symbolizing both continuity and change, has demonstrated the stability of our system of government. Aside from the symbolic transfer of power, an orderly transition from the outgoing Administration to the incoming Administration is essential to ensure continuity in the working affairs of government. Necessary funding for both the incoming and outgoing Administrations is authorized by the Presidential Transition Act, as amended. The General Services Administration (GSA) is authorized to provide suitable office space, staff compensation, communications services, and printing and postage costs associated with the transition.

PRESIDENTIAL TRANSITIONS: ISSUES INVOLOGING OUTGOING AND INCOMING ADMINISTRATIONS. Congressional Research Service, RL34722, Library of Congress. L. Elaine Halchin. Web posted November 1, 2008.
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The smooth and orderly transfer of power can be a notable feature of presidential transitions, and a testament to the legitimacy and durability of the electoral and democratic processes. Yet, at the same time, a variety of events, decisions, and activities contribute to what some may characterize as the unfolding drama of a presidential transition. Inter party transitions in particular might be contentious. Using the various powers available, a sitting President might use the transition period to attempt to secure his legacy or effect policy changes. Some observers have suggested that, if the incumbent has lost the election, he might try to enact policies in the waning months of his presidency that would “tie his successor’s hands.” On the other hand, a President-elect, eager to establish his policy agenda and populate his Administration with his appointees, will be involved in a host of decisions and activities, some of which might modify or overturn the previous Administration’s actions or decisions.

ROADMAP TO REFORM: A MANAGEMENT FRAMEWORK FOR THE NEXT ADMINISTRATION. Partnership for Public Service. October 2008.
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Effective government requires effective management. The transition from one presidential administration to the next offers an important opportunity for effective management. To help shape the next president’s management framework, a number of leading government reform experts forged a consensus about critical federal workforce management issues and actions our next president should take to improve government operations.
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THE PLUM BOOK (U.S. POLICY AND SUPPORTING POSITIONS). Committee on Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs, U.S. Senate. November 12, 2008.
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Every four years, just after the Presidential election, the U.S. Government Policy and Supporting Positions, commonly known as the Plum Book, is published, alternately, by the Senate Committee on Governmental Affairs and the House Committee on Government Reform. The Plum Book is used to identify president appointed positions within the Federal Government

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Kinzer, Stephen INSIDE IRAN’S FURY (Smithsonian, vol. 39, no. 7, October 2008, pp.60-70)
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Americans need to understand some Iranian history before they cast the Tehran government as an international renegade in an attempt to acquire nuclear weapons, Kinzer asserts. Iran, one of the world’s oldest nations, enjoyed an era of science and culture when Europe was in the Dark Ages. It began to decline in the 18th century, due to domination by foreign powers; in the 19th century, with the help of corrupt and ineffective Persian rulers, Britain gained influence. Iranians also have fresh memory of the 1953 CIA-backed coup, which deposed a democratic government and installed the authoritarian Mohammed Reza as Shah. Kinzer notes that a long history of foreign intrusion is behind Iran’s push to build a nuclear program. However, the current regime maintains public support only through nationalist and anti-American propaganda; desire for greater engagement with the outside world is building today among the Iranian public, especially young people, who comprise a majority of the population.

U.S. 'Winning' Unpopular War in Iraq, but 'Losing' Popular War in Afghanistan Interviewee: Anthony H. Cordesman, Arleigh A. Burke Chair in Strategy, the Center for International and Strategic Studies in Washington, September 8, 2008
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"None of us knows what is going to take place in the course of the next year" does not seem to suggest much certainty about in developments in Iraq. Anthony H. Cordesman, an expert on military affairs in the Middle East from the the Center for International and Strategic Studies, says that although "substantial progress" has been achieved in the last eighteen months in Iraq, there are enough political questions remaining, however, to leave the future open to question and that, ultimately, security will depend on political accommodation and economic development, not on continued military intervention. What is certain is that the process will certainly take time, as all political solutions do. Afganistan, on the other hand, requires an immediate increase in military presence to deal with the Taliban build up. "Are we at this point losing the war in Afghanistan? The answer is clearly yes.", says Cordesman. Outspoken on these issues and clearly annoyed by the statements made by the presidential candidates which he regards as sloganeering, he offers a refreshingly frank and realistic assessment of present situation and the way forward.

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Friedman, George MEDITERRANEAN FLYOVER: TELEGRAPHING AN ISRAELI PUNCH? (Investors Insight, posted August 7, 2008)
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According to Friedman, an analyst at Stratfor, Israel’s widely publicized June military exercise using more than 100 aircraft in the eastern Mediterranean raises a number of questions about U.S. and Israeli intent about attacking Iran. Raising doubts about a number of possible explanations, Friedman speculates that the likeliest explanation is an obvious one that Iran’s government itself asserted: The United States and Israel are waging psychological warfare for political reasons, suggesting to Iranians that their President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad has led his country into a dangerous situation. Friedman writes, “We tend toward the view that this is psychological warfare for the simple reason that you don't launch a surprise attack of the kind necessary to take out Iran's nuclear program with a media blitz beforehand.”

RUSSIAN POLITICAL, ECONOMIC, AND SECURITY ISSUES AND U.S. INTERESTS. Congressional Research Service, RL33407, Library of Congress. Stuart D. Goldman. Web posted August 20, 2008.
Full Text [PDF format, 28 pages]

Dmitry Medvedev, Putin’s chosen successor and long-time protege, was elected President of the Russian Federation on March 2, 2008 with about 70% of the vote. The economic upturn that began in 1999 is continuing. However, some major problems remain with 15% of the population lives below the poverty line and foreign investment is relatively low. Further, inflation, crime, corruption, capital flight, and unemployment remain high. Russian foreign policy has grown more self-confident, assertive and anti-western, fueled by its perceived status as an “energy superpower.” Washington and Moscow have found some common ground on the Iranian and North Korean nuclear concerns, but tension increases on other issues such as NATO enlargement, Kosovo, and proposed U.S. missile defenses in Eastern Europe.

AN OLYMPIC LIFT TO U.S.-CHINA RELATIONS. Brookings Institute. Cheng Li et al. August 5, 2008.
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The survey in the report shows that the people of both China and the U.S. widely accept the growing importance of the US-China relationship. The polling shows that 52 percent of Americans hold favorable views of China, while 60 percent of Chinese hold favorable views of America. The greatest opportunity is for the 20,000 foreign journalists converging on Beijing, many of whom are fanning out across China, to see and to report on the country in its vast fullness. A broader and more nuanced portrayal of China in the media is critical to the enhancement of Americans' understanding as well as to progress by policymakers.
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Cha, Victor BEIJING’S OLYMPIC-SIZED CATCH-22 (Washington Quarterly, vol. 31, no. 3, Summer 2008, pp. 105-123)
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The author, director of Asian studies at Georgetown University and former member of the National Security Council, describes China’s position as host of the 2008 Summer Olympics as a Catch-22. While hoping to use the Olympic spotlight to enhance its prestige, it must also face intense pressure for political change. Various groups have already used the Olympic spotlight to pressure the Chinese to alter some of their policies, including actress Mia Farrow calling the Games the “Genocide Olympics” in the Wall Street Journal and Stephen Spielberg resigning as artistic director because of Darfur. And this pressure has already brought some improvement in China’s cooperation with the international community regarding Darfur and Burma, as well as token concessions on some human rights cases. However, the author asserts, “What Beijing did not account for is the slippery slope. Change begets demands for more change.” The government will face the most comprehensive and intense scrutiny in its history, with some 30,000 journalists and 500,000 tourists. While Beijing has made selected adjustments to address various pressures, the long-term implications are unclear.

AA08216
Giragosian, Richard REDEFINING TURKEY'S STRATEGIC ORIENTATION (Turkish Policy Quarterly, Vol. 6, No. 4, Winter 2007, pp. 33-40)
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Turkey continues to undergo a profound reexamination of the very tenets of its national identity, driven by a combination of internal reforms and external challenges. An equally significant strategic reorientation involving Turkey's role within the region and its future position in a broader international context is Turkey's robust reassertion of its strategic importance, as a global actor with an emboldened agenda of activity within a number of international organizations, ranging from its traditional partners like NATO and the UN, to the more unconventional, such as GUAM and even the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO). And most crucially, partly as a result of both frustration with the European Union (EU) and a decline in its relationship with the United States, this new strategic reorientation may very well determine the future trajectory of the Turkish Republic.

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Romano, Carlin BOSS NOVA: HARVARD LAW’S ROBERTO UNGER TAKES ON THE FUTURE OF BRAZIL (Chronicle of Higher Education, Vol. 54, No. 39, June 6, 2008, pp. B6–B10)
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Roberto Mangabeira Unger is a world-renowned philosopher who has taught at Harvard since the age of 23. The 61-year-old Unger has been serving as Brazil’s minister of strategic affairs. “I have the only position in the government that is about everything, except for the position of president,” Unger told the author. But unlike the president, he does not have to deal with daily crises; “I’m therefore free, as he is not, to deal with the future and to deal with our direction.” This portrait of the man who has been put in charge of coordinating the Brazilian government’s future Amazon policy is fascinating in part because of Unger’s family background that straddles American and Brazilian culture. Unger is best known in the U.S. as one of the creators of the field known as “critical legal studies,” which challenged the objectivity and neutrality of legal doctrine as taught in elite law schools. He has advocated, among other visionary ideas, creating a government department of destabilization to shake up all aspects of social life, allowing universal freedom of movement, and establishing a rotating capital fund from which all of society’s stakeholders may draw. What he cares most about, he says, is “the imagination of alternatives in the world.” Unger’s involvement in Brazilian politics is nothing new; in the late 1970s he took leave from Harvard to become chief of staff to a united opposition party, and he has continued since to write a policy-oriented column for Brazil’s leading newspaper. Before his appointment as minister, he was one of the government’s chief critics.

Gilboy, George J.; Read, Benjamin L. POLITICAL AND SOCIAL REFORM IN CHINA: ALIVE AND WALKING (Washington Quarterly, 31:3, Summer 20088 pp. 143–164)
Full Text [pdf format, 22 pages]

Evidence of political and social progress in China seems at odds with headlines in the run-up to the 2008 Beijing Olympic Games… One powerful driver for political and social reform is the increasing influence,diverse interests, and organizational capability of Chinese society.

2008 CONGRESSIONAL PIG BOOK® SUMMARY
Citizens Against Government Waste. April 2, 2008.
Full Text [pdf format, 59 pages]

In fiscal year 2008, Congress included 11, 610 projects worth $17.2 billion into the 12 appropriations bills. That is a 337 percent increase over the 2,658 projects in fiscal year 2007. The Pig Book Summary profiles what it considers to be “the most egregious examples” of wasteful spending by government. It breaks down the projects per capita by state and lists the names of the individual members of Congress associated with the projects.

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SOCIAL SECURITY'S FINANCIAL OUTLOOK: THE 2008 UPDATE IN PERSPECTIVE.
Center for Retirement Research at Boston College, Issue in Brief #8-5. Alicia H. Munnell. Web posted March 26, 2008.
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The Trustees of the Social Security system have just issued the 2008 projections for the system over the next 75 years. The report contains a surprise in that the 75-year deficit dropped to 1.70 percent of taxable payrolls from the roughly 2 percent it has been for the last 14 years. The decline was driven primarily by a change in the way Social Security projects immigration. Although the Social Security trust fund is still projected to be exhausted in 2041, the improved outlook should enable scheduled payroll taxes to cover more than three-quarters of promised benefits after that point.

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2008 SOCIAL SECURITY TRUSTEES REPORT CONTINUES TO SHOW THE URGENT NEED FOR REFORM.
Heritage Foundation Web Memo #1868. David C. John. March 26, 2008.
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The 2008 Trustees Report shows that the program faces massive annual deficits starting in just nine years. This “web memo” is highly critical of the report, noting that perceived improvements are largely functions of new methods of calculating incomes and assumptions about immigration.

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Maier, Charles S. DARK POWER: GLOBALIZATION, INEQUALITY, AND CONFLICT (Harvard International Review, vol. 29, no. 1, Spring 2007, pp. 60-65)
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Harvard University history professor Charles Maier examines sources of power in this article. He argues that the notion of power as possessed by nation-states is evaporating, and that we can no longer analyze international relations based upon a balance of power. Although the U.S. now holds the majority of military power, these resources clearly have limits. International institutions, such as the United Nations and the International Court of Justice, should not be viewed as constraints on American power, but as facilitators of U.S. influence

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Atzili, Boaz THE VIRTUES AND VICES OF FIXED TERRITORIAL OWNERSHIP (SAIS Review, Vol. 27, No. 2, Summer-Fall 2007, pp. 95-108)
Full text available from your nearest American Library

Atzili, a post-doctoral fellow at Harvard University, asserts that territorial conquest and land grabs, the stuff of most history, seem no longer acceptable. Other countries have refused for decades to recognize forceful takeovers of land by Israel, Turkey, and Armenia; Iraq's invasion of Kuwait was repulsed. Fixed territories have contributed to peace and stability in North and South America, and most of Europe and North Asia. People in these regions already strongly identify with their nation-state, and therefore the countries need not find external threats to unify their people. In contrast, those living in socio-politically unstable regions -- the Middle East, Africa, the Balkans, Central America, and parts of Asia and the former Soviet Union –- are less likely to identify with the nation-state. Having fixed borders in these countries can perpetuate state weakness "because it deprives the state of a key factor that historically motivated state building: the external threat to state borders and state survival."

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Howell, William G.; Pevehouse, Jon C. WHEN CONGRESS STOPS WARS (Foreign Affairs, Vol. 86, No. 5, September-October 2007)
Full text available from your nearest American Library

Howell and Pevehouse, professors of public policy at the University of Chicago, find little truth to the maxim that politics stops at the water's edge. The spirit of national unity during World War II was the exception, not the rule; in fact, every foreign military action taken by U.S. presidents has roused partisan congressional resistance. The larger the presence of the opposition party in Congress, they say, the more wars are scrutinized in oversight hearings and restricted by legislation. While presidents have the strong advantage of commanding military forces, Congress has a strong advantage over time in shaping public opinion about foreign wars because of its influence in shaping news reporting about those wars.

SHAPING THE 44TH PRESIDENCY. Charles O. Jones and Kathryn Dunn Tenpas. Issues in Governance Studies, Brookings Institution. Web posted August 20, 2007.
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This paper compares the Eisenhower, Reagan, and Clinton presidencies before it turns to Bush 43. The comparison of the first three helps “to explain the type of presidency being formed in the last two years.” The paper reveals the commonalities and the differences across these administrations. The conclusion is that the “44th president will inherit a diminished presidency in a system that appears now to be pitted against itself.”

CONGRESS’S CONTEMPT POWER: A SKETCH. Morton Rosenberg and Todd B. Tatelman. Congressional Research Service (CRS), Library of Congress. August 1, 2007.
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“Congress’s contempt power is the means by which Congress responds to certain acts that in its view obstruct the legislative process.” Contempt is used to coerce compliance, punish the contemnor, and/or remove the obstruction. In the last seventy years, the contempt process has been used primarily to punish a witness who refused to appear before a committee or who failed to respond to questions or who declined a requested to produce a document. This report outlines contempt power, reviews major developments through case law, and analyzes the procedures associated with the different types of contempt.

ACCESS TO GOVERNMENT INFORMATION IN THE UNITED STATES. Harold C. Relyea and Michael W. Kolakowski. Congressional Research Service (CRS), Library of Congress. Updated June 13, 2007.
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This Congressional Research Service (CRS) report reviews the historical aspects of inter-branch disputes of government information. “The Constitution of the United States makes no specific allowance for any one of the co-equal branches to have access to information held by the others and contains no provision expressly establishing a procedure for, or a right of, public access to government information.” However, over the years, Congress has legislated public access laws; e.g., the Freedom of Information Act (FOIA). Federal courts, on the other hand, have been reluctant to review disputes between Congress and the executive branch. It is expected that these conflicts will continue.

STATE E-GOVERNMENT STRATEGIES: IDENTIFYING BEST PRACTICES AND APPLICATIONS. Jeffrey W. Seifert and Glenn J. McLoughlin. Congressional Research Service (CRS), Library of Congress. July 23, 2007.
Full Text [pdf format, 61 pages]

E-government is one of the leading approaches to government reform, but there is a lack of coordination or communication between the various initiatives. Congress oversees the e-government initiatives and works with the Office of Management and Budget (OMB) and state governments to identify best practices, standards, and strategies. This report identifies the practices and strategies that are being used by state governments.

This report is based on research conducted by the Lyndon B. Johnson School of Public Affairs.

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Daalder, Ivo; Lindsay, James DEMOCRACIES OF THE WORLD, UNITE (American Interest, Vol. 2, No. 3, January/February 2007)
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The authors write that “the Bush revolution in foreign policy is over”; the U.S.’ unilateralist approach since Sept. 11 has alienated allies and greatly damaged our international standing. Daalder and Lindsay argue that traditional multilateralist approaches, such as working with traditionally close allies or with the U.N. or NATO, are “nineteenth- and twentieth-century policies for a twenty-first-century world” -- what they propose is a “Concert of Democracies”, that share common values and perspectives.

Traditional concerts-of-great-powers have their limitations -- countries such as China and Russia have divergent interests and often refuse to cooperate, and demagogues such as Hugo Chavez and Mahmoud Ahmadinejad are greeted with resounding applause when railing against great-power dominance, because “many of their listeners resent being told what to do by a few powerful countries.” The United Nations’ “universality ... is its greatest curse -- it is beholden to its least cooperative members”.

The world’s democracies, however, have a proven track record for cooperation, as well as the most capable militaries, the largest economies, and a shared commitment for the rule of law and good governance. The authors argue that the greatest source of legitimacy for such an alliance is that democracies recognize that international peace and justice are now based on protecting the rights of individuals; nation-state sovereignty can no longer be the sole principle of international politics. They describe at length how such an organization might be structured.

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Rotberg, Robert ON IMPROVING NATION-STATE GOVERNANCE (Daedalus, vol. 136, no. 1, Winter 2007, pp. 152-155)
View article on ProQuest (password required)

The author, a fellow of the American Academy, a Harvard professor and the president of the World Peace Foundation, argues for the creation of a universal system of ranking states with respect to their results in good-governance, just as the nongovernmental organization Transparency International is ranking states in respect to corruption. In the author’s view, a transparent and objective ranking system would provide a stronger incentive to improvement and would have a more positive effect on the developing world than pressure from Washington, London or Brussels. He cites eight main categories of political services that numerous studies link to economic growth.

The most important is security, followed by the rule of law, freedom to participate in the political process and economic opportunity. The other fundamental goods are health care, education, transportation and communication infrastructure, and the empowerment of civil society. As shown by numerous public opinion surveys in Africa, Asia, Latin America and Europe, these are also the aspects of “good governance” that most people throughout the world agree upon, writes the author.

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Nasr, Vali et al. WHO WINS IN IRAQ?
(Foreign Policy, no. 159, March/April 2007, pp. 38-51)
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Ten authors identify who are the “winners” in the war in Iraq and why. Iran stands first on the list of winners, while the United States is not even mentioned. Vali Nasr, professor at the Naval Postgraduate School and adjunct senior fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations, argues that “Iran has emerged as the biggest winner of the United States’ war. There is little stability or democracy in Iraq to impress Iranians.” Uprooting Baathism was good for Iran, he writes. In the political vacuum that followed Saddam Hussein’s downfall, trade and people-to-people contacts have burgeoned. Iraq’s Shiites and Kurds enjoy friendly ties with Iraq. “The war turned a large part of Iraq into an Iranian sphere of influence, and equally important, paved the way for Iranian hegemony in the Persian Gulf,” says Nasr. Even so, Iraq does face potential problems. A warring Iraq ruled by violent militias could threaten Iran’s stability as could Kurdish independence, Nasr says. Moreover, many Arab capitals see Iran as a threat.

FOREIGN AFFAIRS, DEFENSE, AND TRADE: KEY ISSUES FOR THE 110TH CONGRESS.
Clare M. Ribando and Bruce Vaughn. Congressional Research Service (CRS), Library of Congress. December 20, 2006.
Full Text [pdf format, 80 pages]

“This report identifies major issues most likely to be on the legislative agenda, discusses critical policy choices at stake, and summarizes some of the major alternatives that Congress may consider.” This report also identifies CRS reports that address these issues. Some of the issues confronting the new Congress are: (1) what to do with Iraq; (2) Afghanistan’s progress, (3) defense spending, and (4) trade issues.

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Cohen, Richard E. WHAT'S NEXT?
(National Journal, vol. 39, no. 4, January 27, 2007, pp. 20-21)
Full text available from your nearest American Library

"When Republicans were in control, it was all about stopping bad things from happening," tells one policy director to author Richard Cohen. Republicans controlled Capitol Hill with a Republican president and a Republican Congress for most of the past 12 years, and liberal-minded interest groups have been used to frustration and setbacks rather than success. Now that congressional Democrats are back on top and after a flurry of congressional action on the so-called first 100-hours legislation, including raising the minimum wage and lowering student-loan interest rates, Democratic leaders are beginning to focus on a long-term agenda. Long-stalled issues on interest group wish lists include the needs of low-income people, increasing energy independence, the environment -- especially global warming -- and labor issues, among others. Yet Democratic leaders must balance the demands for sweeping initiatives against other political and even practical considerations, Cohen writes, because Bush is still the president and because front and center is dealing with the war in Iraq.

AA07016
Cannon, Carl LEGACY TIME
(National Journal, Vol. 39, No. 1, January 6, 2007, pp. 24-29)
Full text available from your nearest American Library

Now that the 2006 Midterm elections are over, President Bush is concerned with how his presidency will be remembered when he leaves office. According to some scholars, the president’s legacy hinges on success in the unpopular Iraq war. However, the author asserts that it is not too late for the president to modify his legacy. He goes on to offer five policies that could change how the outgoing president is remembered. These actions include capturing Osama bin Laden, executing an Israeli peace plan, outlining an effective energy policy, passing immigration reform and curtailing federal spending. The author asserts that if President Bush executes any of these policies successfully, these feats could overshadow or at least share space with the Iraq War in the history books

AA06408
Mann, Thomas E.; Ornstein, Norman J. WHEN CONGRESS CHECKS OUT
(Foreign Affairs, Vol. 85, No. 6, November/December 2006, pp. 69-82)
Full text available from your nearest American Library

This article examines Congressional oversight, which is meant to "keep mistakes from happening or from spiraling out of control," the authors write. In the past six years, Mann and Ornstein argue, congressional oversight of the executive, especially on foreign and national security policy, has virtually collapsed. While foreign policy, the Iraq war, the NSA's surveillance program, treatment of detainees and homeland security top Americans' interests, Congress has not asked how these policies have been carried out, how the laws are executed or how taxpayer dollars are spent to deal with these issues. Mann and Ornstein say the reason for the lack of oversight is because of the executive branch's "willful denial of accurate and meaningful information to Congress," the growing partisan divide in Congress, the reluctance of congressional Republicans to criticize the Bush administration and the lack of time members of Congress spend in Washington. Fixing the oversight problem is part of a larger challenge "to mend the broken legislative branch and restore a healthy balance to U.S. democracy," the authors write.

2006 CORRUPTION PERCEPTIONS INDEX. [PRESS KIT]
Transparency International (TI). November 6, 2006.
Plain index [html format, 5 printed pages]

Media pack [pdf format, 13 pages]

The 2006 Corruption Perceptions Index is a composite index that draws on multiple expert opinion surveys that poll perceptions of public sector corruption in 163 countries around the world, the greatest scope of any CPI to date. It scores countries on a scale from zero to ten, with zero indicating high levels of perceived corruption and ten indicating low levels of perceived corruption. The Index underscores the link between poverty and corruption. Almost three-fourths of the countries in the CPI score below five (including all low-income countries and all but two African states), indicating that most countries in the world face serious perceived levels of domestic corruption. Seventy-one countries - nearly half of the total number of countries studied - score below three, indicating that corruption is perceived as rampant. Haiti has the lowest score at 1.8; just above, each with a score of 1.9, are Guinea, Iraq and Myanmar. Finland, Iceland and New Zealand share the top score of 9.6.

BRIBE Payers Index (BPI) 2006.
Transparency International (TI). October 4, 2006.
Full report [pdf format, 16 pages]

The Bribe Payers Index (BPI) rates the propensity of companies from 30 leading exporting countries to bribe government and business officials abroad in order to secure better business arrangements. Companies from the wealthiest countries generally rank in the top half of the Index, but they still routinely pay bribes, particularly when doing business in developing economies. Companies from emerging export powers (India, China and Russia) rank among the worst. In the case of China and other emerging export powers, efforts to strengthen domestic anti-corruption activities have failed to extend to its foreign operations.

For each of the 30 countries ranked, the Index notes whether it is a signatory to the United Nations Convention against Corruption (UNCAC) and/or to the OECD Convention on Bribery of Foreign Public Officials in International Business Transactions.

AA06181
THE FAILED STATES INDEX (Foreign Policy, No. 154, May/June 2006, pp. 50-58)
View on publisher’s website

The staff of Foreign Policy magazine and the Fund for Peace present the second annual Failed States Index, noting that 2005 should have been a good year for developing states around the world, yet "trends that should have been boons for stability have often been busts." They emphasize that there are few quick fixes -- elections do not ensure effective governance, and high commodity prices don't necessarily build strong institutions. Nation-building by outsiders is time-consuming and costly, and while there have been a few successes, most countries will be on their own. They note that it is impossible to predict which countries may implode, but "it is essential for policymakers to understand the vulnerabilities and weaknesses that create the conditions for state failure." As with last year's index, the authors ranked 148 countries by twelve indicators; the sixty most vulnerable states are published in the journal, and full results are available online at www.foreignpolicy.com

and www.fundforpeace.org

.

KIM JONG IL AND NORTH KOREA: THE LEADER AND THE SYSTEM. Andrew Scobell. United States Army War College, Strategic Studies Institute (SSI). March 2006.
Download the document [pdf format, 58 pages]

The author, associate research professor at the U.S. Army War College, explores North Korea's political dynamics and seeks to shed light on Pyongyang's political system and its leader. He contends that the system is best conceived as a totalitarian regime that, although weakened, remains remarkably resilient. After analyzing the key elements of totalitarianism, he argues that the system's greatest test will probably come after the death of Kim Jong Il. While the totalitarian regime may not long survive Kim's passing, one cannot assume that the system will collapse. Rather, the end of totalitarianism may simply mean that the DPRK will enter a new "post-totalitarian" phase similar to the paths taken by other communist systems such as the Soviet Union and China.

This monograph is the second in a series titled "Demystifying North Korea" published by the Strategic Studies Institute. Forthcoming monographs will examine the military, economic dimensions, and future scenarios for North Korea.

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Spalding, Elizabeth Edwards TRUE BELIEVERS (Wilson Quarterly, Vol. 30, No. 2, Spring 2006, pp. 40-48)
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The author, professor of government at Claremont McKenna College, notes that President Bush has suffused religion into politics in his presidency, alarming intellectuals and prompting the media to question proper role of religious faith in politics. Spalding analyzes how presidents Woodrow Wilson and Harry S. Truman sought guidance from their respective faiths; she notes that history has forgotten the role of their faith in politics, whereas "many have been all too quick to dismiss Bush's understanding of world politics as merely a religious worldview." Perhaps, in the future, Spalding writes, President Bush's faith-based politics would be seen as a part of American political tradition.

AA06136
Hendrickson, David C. OF POWER AND PROVIDENCE: THE OLD U.S. AND THE NEW E.U. (Policy Review, No. 135, February/March 2006, pp. 23-42)
View on publisher's web site

A political science professor at Colorado College, the author offers some valid insights in similarities and differences on constitutional issues between late-18th-century America and the current state of play in the European Union. He persuasively argues that U.S. founders faced the same problem as Europe currently does: "how to find a basis for peace and power in a system of states susceptible to war and unilateral action; how to secure autonomy and independence while also establishing a basis for united action." He is less persuasive in characterizing recent and current U.S. foreign policy, giving space to its critics but not making any case in favor.

AA06133
Boix, Carles THE ROOTS OF DEMOCRACY (Policy Review, No. 135, February/March 2006, pp. 3-21)
View on publisher's web site

A political science professor at the University of Chicago, Boix contends that democracies succeed in countries where income inequality is low, and where elites' wealth is mobile. Where income inequality is high and wealth is tied to mineral resources and/or agriculture, elites have too much lose by elections, and so will rule via authoritarian means. Boix also posits two types of transitions to democracy: the first is the long, slow route of economic development; the second, political violence from outside, as in Germany, Italy and Japan after World War II.

AA06051
Blake, Charles; Martin, Christopher. THE DYNAMICS OF POLITICAL CORRUPTION: RE-EXAMINING THE INFLUENCE OF DEMOCRACY
(Democratization, vol. 13, no. 1, February 2006, pp. 1-14)
Full text available from your nearest American Library

Political scientists Blake and Martin use the Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI) to study democracy's influence on the probability of corruption. The authors argue that there is little to support the prevailing wisdom that democratic regimes hold governing officials more accountable than autocratic ones. They demonstrate that economic and cultural variables are a more predictable check on corruption than the role of democracy. However, the authors make a strong case that it is the consolidation of a "vital democratic process over time that has a robust, negative relationship with corruption." They note that democratic governments in Portugal and Spain have made significant progress in reducing perceived corruption. Other countries undergoing democratization and economic liberalization in recent years, such as Chile, the Czech Republic, Hungary, and Poland, show that democracies, sooner or later, are more likely to develop the institutions and norms that tend to limit corruption. Building an enduring democracy alone is not a panacea for controlling corruption, they note, citing Italy as a case in point.

AA06052
Camerer, Marianne. MEASURING PUBLIC INTEGRITY
(Journal of Democracy, vol. 17, no. 1, January 2006, pp. 152-64)
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The author, cofounder and international director of the NGO Global Integrity, provides a detailed explanation of the Public Integrity Index, the centerpiece of the Global Integrity Report, which is a culmination of her research on governance. The Public Integrity Index measures positive rather than negative factors, both qualitative and quantitative, and currently covers 25 countries. For a democratic state to endure, it must govern effectively; poor governance is characterized by corrupt leadership and lack of funds and technical capacity, but good governance is harder to define or measure. Citizens, not just foreign donors or international organizations, need to see their governments perform better, especially in developing countries. Those governments must learn to use scarce resources effectively; ordinary people are increasingly aware that mismanagement and abuse of public trust are costly.

CONGRESSIONAL OVERSIGHT.
Frederick M. Kaiser. Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service. January 3, 2006.
Full report: [pdf format, 6 pages]

The author provides a primer on congressional oversight -- the review, monitoring, and supervision of federal agencies, programs, activities, and policy implementation. Congress exercises this power largely through its standing committee system. However, oversight, which dates to the earliest days of the U.S. Republic, also occurs in a wide variety of congressional activities and contexts. These include authorization, appropriations, investigative, and legislative hearings by standing committees; specialized investigations by select committees; and reviews and studies by congressional support agencies and staff.

Cngress's oversight authority derives from its "implied" powers in the Constitution, public laws, and House and Senate rules. It is an integral part of the American system of checks and balances.

This report will be updated as events require.

AA06018
Montgomery, Bruce P. CONGRESSIONAL OVERSIGHT: VICE PRESIDENT RICHARD B. CHENEY'S EXECUTIVE TRIUMPH (Political Science Quarterly, vol. 120, no. 4, Winter 2005-06, pp. 581-617)
Full text available from your nearest American Library

Prof. Montgomery, founding director of the Human Rights Initiative at the University of Colorado at Boulder, provides a detailed outline of the political struggle between the Legislative and Executive branches regarding the separation of powers outlined in the Constitution. He describes the legal battle between the General Accounting Office (GAO), Congress' investigative arm, and Vice President Richard Cheney, in which the GAO sought the disclosure of records about Cheney's national energy task force. The author argues that both Congress and the Executive branch used Constitutional arguments to justify a political struggle for extended power. According to Montgomery, The Bush administration ultimately won greater presidential prerogatives as a result.

AA05359
Scott, James K. ASSESSING THE QUALITY OF MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT WEB SITES (State and Local Government Review, vol. 37, no. 2, 2005, pp. 151-165)
Full text available from your nearest American Library

The author, associate professor at the University of Missouri / Columbia, notes that municipal governments have a reputation for quickly adopting new technologies to serve their constituents, and have been at the forefront of developing Web sites to provide public services. This study analyzes twenty U.S. municipal government sites by five quality measures: transparency, ease of citizen-to-government transactions, connectivity, personalization, and usability. Scott notes that his study illustrates the challenges local governments face in maintaining a high-quality web site in a competitive and fast-changing online environment. His research suggests possible changes in the role in improving the quality of municipal governments' web sites that could be played by state governments and the federal government, which currently provides little support in local e-government initiatives.

AA05330
Svensson, Jakob. EIGHT QUESTIONS ABOUT CORRUPTION (Journal of Economic Perspectives, vol. 19, no. 3, Summer 2005, pp. 19-42)
Full text available from your nearest American Library

According to the author, the most devastating forms of corruption include the diversion and outright theft of funds for public programs and the damage caused by firms and by individuals that pay bribes to avoid health and safety regulations intended to benefit the public. Corruption is also widespread in public procurement and service delivery programs. The author discusses what he considers to be the most frequently asked questions about public corruption. What is it and what countries are the most corrupt? What are the common characteristics of such countries and what is the magnitude of the corruption? Will higher wages for bureaucrats reduce corruption or will this come about through competition? Finally, why have there been so few successful attempts recently to fight corruption? The answers are often not clear-cut and there are still many issues about corruption that we know little about. Also, most anticorruption programs rely on legal and financial institutions (judiciary, police, auditors) to enforce and strengthen accountability in the public sector but in many poor countries, the legal and financial institutions are often corrupt themselves.

AA05319
Sun, Yan. CORRUPTION, GROWTH, AND REFORM: THE CHINESE ENIGMA (Current History, vol. 104, no. 683, September 2005, pp. 257-263)
Full text available from your nearest American Library

The author notes that corruption affects most post-socialist societies, including China; however, China has maintained annual growth rates of 8 to 9 percent over the past two decades, by avoiding the most destructive kinds of corruption, kleptocracy and bilateral monopoly. In a kleptocracy, the ruler uses power for material gain; in a bilateral monopoly, the ruler and a few private interests share in the spoils. In post-Mao China, the top leadership has been relatively corruption-free -- but China exemplifies the competitive model of corruption, in which the spoils are shared among multiple officials and private interests. The wide range of offenders and the lack of concentrated "dirty wealth" among the elites demonstrate this. Institutional continuity is the main reason why China has not experienced the levels of corruption of other post-socialist countries; their example has taught the Chinese leadership to be cautious about rapid democratization. In conclusion, Sun writes that the U.S. government could play a positive role in anticorruption reform in China because of its high credibility after prosecuting the Chinese subsidiary of Lucent Technologies for commercial bribery. According to Sun, China also needs to learn from successful Asian examples such as Singapore and Hong Kong.

AA05304
Dominguez, Casey Byrne Knudsen. IS IT A HONEYMOON? AN EMPIRICAL INVESTIGATION OF THE PRESIDENT'S FIRST HUNDRED DAYS (Congress & The Presidency, vol. 32, no. 1, Spring 2005, pp. 63-78)
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The author, a researcher at the University of California at Berkeley, notes that conventional wisdom is that a newly-elected President enjoys a "honeymoon" period of several months in which the American public gives its new leader the benefit of the doubt. However, Dominguez notes that little study has been done to see if a new President enjoys a similarly productive initial period with Congress. In this paper, the author analyses a selected pool of legislation on which presidents took official positions, and finds that they did indeed enjoy higher success rates with Congress during the first hundred days of their inaugural year, than in subsequent periods. However, not all presidents enjoyed equal deference during the "honeymoon" period; presidents presiding over a divided government, such as the current President Bush, had a greater advantage.

AA05305
Howell, William G. UNILATERAL POWERS: A BRIEF OVERVIEW (Presidential Studies Quarterly, vol. 35, no. 3, September, 2005, pp. 417-439)
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While much has been written about how presidents guide their policy agenda through Congress, Howell, a Harvard professor of government, argues that more needs to be learned about policies pursued by executive orders, proclamations, memoranda, and other unilateral directives. No study of presidential power is complete without an understanding of trade-offs associated with administrative and legislative strategies. Generally, there are more presidential directives when there is congressional gridlock, but presidents are careful to issue presidential orders that legislators and judges will not choose to challenge. This article describes the literature on unilateral powers and poses new questions about unilateral powers of the president.

AA05241
THE FAILED STATES INDEX (Foreign Policy, No. 149, July/August 2005, pp. 56-65)
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"About two billion people live in countries that are in danger of collapse", note the editors of Foreign Policy, which collaborated with the Fund for Peace in its first annual index of unstable countries. They note that the world is now more in danger from the absence of power, than in the concentration of power. The survey ranks sixty countries worldwide, nearly all located in Africa, the Middle East, Asia, Eastern Europe and Latin America, by twelve indicators of instability, including demographic pressures, refugees and displaced persons, economic decline, uneven development, corrupt or ineffective government institutions, ethnic grievances, human rights abuses and an excessive security apparatus.

FEDERAL DISASTER RECOVERY PROGRAMS: BRIEF SUMMARIES [RL31734]
Mary Jordan. Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service. August 29, 2005
Download the document [pdf format, 13 pages]

There are several federal disaster assistance programs in the Unitd States. Some programs have been specifically created for disaster situations. Most of these programs are managed by the Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA) and the Small Business Administration (SBA). Other programs that are discussed are those federal agencies that provide assistance to victims; to state, territorial, and local governments; and to nongovernmental entities following a disaster. Among other forms of assistance, federal programs can provide grants, loans, loan guarantees, temporary housing, and counseling.

AA05215
Conlan, Timothy; Dudley, Robert; Clark, Joel TAKING ON THE WORLD: THE INTERNATIONAL ACTIVITIES OF STATE LEGISLATURES (Publius, vol. 34, no. 3, Summer 2004, pp. 183-199)
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The authors, with George Mason and Michigan State Universities, note that state legislatures around the U.S. are enacting increasing amounts of legislation that have international implications. In a survey of the 2001-2002 legislative season, they counted 886 bills and resolutions with significant international ramifications, of which 306 were adopted. The subject matter of the legislation covered a range of issues, including immigration, international trade, environmental protection, border relations and national defense. The authors note that increased international trade among the states in the last two decades has been mirrored in a commensurate increase in states' international legislative activity, as well as visits by foreign delegations. Many states have enacted laws regarding specific countries or regions, based on the presence of large immigrant groups living in those states.

AA05185
Gurwitt, Rob WILDER'S LAST CRUSADE (Governing, vol. 18, no. 9, June 2005, pp. 23-28)
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Douglas Wilder, former Democratic governor of Virginia in the early 1990s and the first African-American governor in U.S. history, succeeded in balancing Virginia's state budget during a recession without raising taxes. At 74, Wilder has a new career as mayor of Richmond, Virginia's state capital, and is surprising supporters and detractors alike with weekly changes in city government. Before Wilder's election as mayor, Richmond was run by a city council and city manager. Many citizens were unhappy with this situation because they wanted more accountability for the city's problems -- the high crime rate, widespread poverty and poor schools. Four-fifths of Richmond's citizens voted in a referendum to change the structure of city government. Wilder won the election for mayor and contends that he is not under the sway of any special interest groups. He fired the previous city manager and police chief, eliminated duplicative city departments, and is giving funding priorities to police, schools, street repair and parks.

THE QUASI GOVERNMENT: HYBRID ORGANIZATIONS WITH BOTH GOVERNMENT AND PRIVATE SECTOR LEGAL CHARACTERISTICS. [RL30533]
Ronald C. Moe and Kevin R. Kosar. Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service. Updated May 18, 2005.
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"Quasi government", virtually by its name alone and the intentional blurring of the governmental and private sectors, is not easily defined. In general, the term is used in two ways: to refer to entities that have some legal relation or association, however tenuous, to the federal government; or to the terrain that hypothetically exists between the governmental and private sectors. For the most part, this report uses the term "quasi government" in the former context, referring to entities with some legal relationship to the federal government. They are, that is, entities that possess legal characteristics of both the governmental and private sectors. These hybrid organizations (e.g., Fannie Mae, National Park Foundation, In-Q-Tel) have grown in number, size, and importance in recent decades.

The quasi government is a controversial subject. To supporters of this trend toward greater reliance upon hybrid organizations, the proper objective of governmental management is to maximize performance and results, however defined. In their view, the private and governmental sectors are alike in their essentials, and thus subject to the same economically derived behavioral norms.

Critics of the quasi government, on the other hand, tend to view hybrid organizations as contributing to a weakened capacity of government to perform its fundamental constitutional duties, and to erosion in political accountability, a crucial element in democratic governance. They tend to consider the governmental and private sectors as being legally distinct, with relatively little overlap in behavioral norms.

Congress is increasingly engaged with the quasi government. The issues run the gamut from enacting legislation to encourage the creation of nonprofit organizations to promote individual national parks, to proposals to strengthen regulation of government-sponsored enterprises such as Fannie Mae, to oversight hearings respecting national security issues at Los Alamos Laboratory.

AA05121
THE CASE FOR BIG GOVERNMENT (American Prospect, vol. 16, no. 5, May 2005, pp. A1-A23)
Full text available from your nearest American Library

For more than two decades, conservatives have engaged in a non-stop assault on government, and liberals have fired back only sporadically. In this special section, a number of authors unapologetically argue for the benefits of government. In THE PRICE OF A FREE SOCIETY, Paul Starr notes that liberty, security and prosperity require an effective government. In OWNERSHIP AND GOVERNMENT, Robert Kuttner writes that "the great American middle class is the fruit of social investment", and that the "ownership society" touted by conservatives is merely transferring hazards back to individuals at a time when the public is already bearing increased risks. Jacob Hacker argues in BIGGER AND BETTER that social-insurance programs have never worked well without government support and regulation. Geoffrey Nunberg writes in THINKING ABOUT THE GOVERNMENT that "maybe it's time to remind voters what government does well." In THE VANISHING STATE?, Robert Reich believes that the government's shrinking role in regulating capitalism does not have to be the inevitable result of a globalized economy. Merrill Goozner writes in CAN WE HOUSEBREAK CAPITALISM? that the public values safe products, a clean environment and transparent markets -- all the result of government regulation. In THE NON-NUCLEAR OPTION, Jack Shonkoff notes that investment in early-childhood well-being has few rivals for long-term societal payback. Michael Lipsky and Dianne Stewart write in UNDER THE RADAR that the conservative anti-government movement has begun attacking state and local governments, which carry out much of the vital services used on a daily basis by the public.

6TH ANNUAL PERFORMANCE REPORT SCORECARD: WHICH FEDERAL AGENCIES BEST INFORM THE PUBLIC?
George Mason University, Mercatus Center. April 15, 2005.
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The Mercatus Center at George Mason University evaluated and ranked the annual performance reports for fiscal year 2004 required by the Government Performance and Results Act (GPRA) of 1993 and submitted by 24 Cabinet departments and other agencies covered under the Chief Financial Officers Act of 1990. The results are compiled and published in this report on government and public accountability. The Mercatus Center research team judged the annual reports (due to Congress and the President by November 15, 2004) based on three criteria: transparency, benefits to the community, and forward-looking leadership. For fiscal year 2004, the Departments of Labor, State, Transportation, and Veterans Affairs produced the highest rated reports, with the Department of Commerce seeing substantial improvement. The authors note that “State’s 2nd place finish caps a sustained surge from 20th place in fiscal 1999.” The Department of Defense, Department of Homeland Security, and Office of Personnel Management had the lowest-ranked reports for fiscal 2004.

PUBLIC RELATIONS AND PROPAGANDA: RESTRICTIONS ON EXECUTIVE AGENCY ACTIVITIES. [RL32750]
Kevin R. Kosar. Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service. Updated March 21, 2005.
Download the document [pdf format, 15 pages]

This report updates the February 2, 2005 version of RL32750

. “The Challenges of Reform” section now includes sub-sections on “Tracking Expenditures” and “Enforcement and the Separation of Powers”, as well as the original one on “Defining Propaganda”.

There is new material in the “Tracking Expenditures” related to expenditures on public communications. The report notes that “Any effort to curb agency expenditures on allegedly inappropriate communications with the public will face two challenges: (1) tracking government expenditures on communications, and (2) drafting language that distinguishes legitimate agency communications with the public from puffery and propaganda.” The author uses an example that will resonate with many U.S. Government public affairs offices:

“An agency employee (GS-12) spends one hour drafting a one-page press release; two other agency employees (one GS-14, one appointee) spend 45 minutes each editing and proofreading the piece. Another employee, a GS-8, is asked to make 200 copies of the press release. These copies are to be handed out to members of the press at a 30-minute press conference, where another agency employee (an appointee) is to issue the release and take questions. The room used for the press conference is prepared by three agency employees (GS-9), who must bring in chairs, set up the podium and sound system, and so forth. The agency’s webmaster (GS-12) spends 15 minutes uploading a copy of the press release to the agency’s website. After the press conference, two agency employees (GS-11), over the course of a few days, field occasional calls from reporters seeking further information. . . All of these diverse activities were part of this single, modest public relations effort. Which ones should be counted? Who is to do the counting? And how are these activities to be tracked?”

AA05105
EMINENT DOMAIN: TAKING PRIVATE PROPERTY FOR URBAN DEVELOPMENT (Supreme Court Debates, Vol. 8, No. 4, April 2005, pp. 97-128)
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The concept of eminent domain, the power of the government to coerce private citizens to sell their property to the government, is enshrined in the Fifth Amendment to the Constitution. Traditionally, eminent domain has been used to acquire land for public-works projects, such as schools and roads. In the 1950s, the U.S. Supreme Court broadened the notion of public use to include economic redevelopment in cities. However, this practice has generated much resistance, particularly in older urban neighborhoods with long-time residents, where the government's compensation for the land is often minimal compared with its future value once redevelopment occurs. Many object to the use of eminent domain being used to take private property from one group of owners for the benefit of private developers. This issue of Supreme Court Debates centers on a recent case, SUZETTE KELO, ET AL. V. CITY OF NEW LONDON, CONNECTICUT AND THE NEW LONDON DEVELOPMENT CORPORATION, in which a decision is expected later this year.

INNOVATIONS IN AMERICAN GOVERNMENT AWARDS [2005].
Harvard University, Kennedy School of Government, Ash Institute for Democratic Governance and Innovation; Council for Excellence in Government. March 16, 2005.
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This summary describes fifty of the most creative, forward thinking, results-driven government programs at the federal, state, county and city levels that were named semifinalists for the prestigious "Innovations in American Government" Awards. Each entry has a brief description as well as web addresses and contacts for more information.

The fifty programs are now eligible to win one of six $100,000 grants. The programs represent the nation's best public sector efforts in the areas of education and training, criminal justice and public safety, economic and community development, health and social service, management, transportation, public works and environment. The programs were chosen from a pool of more than 1000 applicants for their novelty and uniqueness, effectiveness in addressing important problems, significance, and the potential for replication by other government entities. Eighteen finalists will be chosen from the fifty and announced in April.

Among the programs named to the Top 50 list are ten at the federal level (including two from the U.S. Department of Justice), twelve at the state level, nine at the county level, twelve at the city level, three school districts, two government corporations and two special/regional authorities. There are eight programs from or within California and four from or within New York. Other states with multiple finalists include: Virginia and Washington with three each; and Kentucky, Minnesota, Oregon, Texas and Vermont (all with two each).

AA05091
Greenblatt, Alan A RAGE TO REORGANIZE (Governing, vol. 18, no. 6, March 2005, pp. 30-35)
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Greenblatt, staff writer for Governing Magazine, writes that California governor Arnold Schwarzenegger, facing a state budget shortfall of USD 20 billion, made a famous pledge to "blow up the boxes" of state government -- to make major changes in the organizational structure of California government to improve efficiency and savings. The author notes that state governors across the country have also drawn up ambitious reorganization plans, in the face of the financial strains of the past few years. Greenblatt notes that changing organizational charts may seem bold, but is largely illusory -- the results are almost universally ineffective. He notes that the states that have had the most success are those that are trying to achieve goals with the structure that they already have in place; for instance, several states, including Ohio and Maine, have instituted jobs or childrens' cabinets, that pull together resources from separate agencies; South Carolina is proposing funding by program rather than by agency. Greenblatt notes that the traditionally decentralized nature of state governments in the U.S. is a vestige of Americans' dislike of the high-handed Colonial governors in the eighteenth century; much of the history of state government in the U.S. is about how power has steadily become more centralized in the governor's office and a small number of agencies.

TOBACCO SETTLEMENT: STATES' ALLOCATIONS OF FISCAL YEAR 2004 AND EXPECTED FISCAL YEAR 2005 PAYMENTS. [GAO-05-312]
United States Government Accountability Office (GAO). March 21, 2005; Web-posted March 22, 2005.
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In the 1990s, states sued major tobacco companies to obtain reimbursement for health impairments caused by the public's use of tobacco. In 1998, 46 states (all but Florida, Minnesota, Mississippi and Texas) and four of the nation's largest tobacco companies signed a Master Settlement Agreement (MSA) that requires the tobacco companies to make annual payments to the states in perpetuity as reimbursement for past tobacco-related health care costs. The MSA commits the tobacco companies to pay the states approximately $206 billion over the first 25 years. Some of the states have arranged to receive upfront proceeds based on the amounts that tobacco companies owe by issuing bonds backed by future payments.

The MSA allows states to use their tobacco settlement payments for any purpose. States reported that they used the largest portions of the fiscal year 2004 payments to address budget shortfalls (about 44 percent) and to fund health-related programs (20 percent). Compared with fiscal year 2004, states in fiscal year 2005 expect to decrease allocations to address budget shortfalls (11 percent) and to increase allocations to both health-related programs (32 percent) and debt service on securitized funds (23 percent).

HOUSE AND SENATE RULES OF PROCEDURE: A COMPARISON. [RL30945]
Judy Schneider. Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service. Updated February 10, 2005.
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House and Senate rules of procedure are largely a function of the number of members comprising each chamber. In the House, a structured legislative process and strict adherence to the body's rules and precedents have resulted from the need to manage how 435 Representatives make decisions. By contrast, the Senate's smaller membership has brought about a less formal policy-making process and a more flexible approach to the chamber's standing rules. While individual Representatives must typically yield to the majority will of the House, the Senate usually accommodates the interests of individual Senators.

This report compares selected House and Senate rules of procedure for various stages of the legislative process: referral of legislation to committees; scheduling and calling up measures; and floor consideration.

21ST CENTURY CHALLENGES: REEXAMINING THE BASE OF THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT. [GAO-05-325SP]
United States Government Accountability Office (GAO). February 1, 2005; Web-posted February 16, 2005.
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This report is intended to help the Congress in reviewing and reconsidering the base of federal spending and tax programs. The report is organized in three sections. The first section sets the stage by providing the rationale for reexamining the base of the federal government and the scope of GAO's effort. The second section is organized around 12 areas of federal activity and includes narratives discussing emerging changes in each area as well as several illustrative reexamination questions for each area. The third section provides some perspective on various strategies, processes, and approaches that should be considered as a possible means to address the issues and questions raised in this report.

Basic questions posed in the section on "International Challenges for the 21st Century" include the following:

• Do U.S. efforts to reduce or prepare weapons of mass destruction WMD threats need to be reexamined?
• Does the U.S. need to reexamine its force structure used for nation building and peacekeeping activities by the United Nations, NATO, and other international institutions?
• Does the U.S. portfolio of international trade policy tools, such as its heavy reliance on industry-specific trade agreements, need to be reexamined for its effectiveness and relevance in addressing new trade concerns such as offshoring and currency interventions?
• What types of policy commitments and programs, such as agricultural subsidies and import restrictions on textiles, may need to be reexamined for their consistency with broader international trade goals?
• Should the United States reevaluate its approach to reducing world poverty?
• How can the U.S. presence overseas be rationalized to "right place" as well as "right size" embassies and consulates and ensure secure and cost-effective overseas operations?

PUBLIC RELATIONS AND PROPAGANDA: RESTRICTIONS ON EXECUTIVE AGENCY ACTIVITIES. [RL32750]
Kevin R. Kosar. Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service. February 2, 2005.
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Recently, a number of promotional and public outreach actions by U.S. government executive branch agencies have provoked controversy. For example:

• The Department of Education hired Armstrong Williams, a television commentator and syndicated columnist, to promote the No Child Left Behind Act on his television program.
• The Federal Communications Commission (FCC) created a website [http://www.dtv.gov

   

  ] that promotes digital television (DTV) and includes hyperlinks to the websites of a number of large corporations with significant financial interests in DTV.
• The Division for Human Resources Products and Services of the Office of Personnel Management (OPM) reportedly issued guidelines to OPM staff who were preparing presentations and promotional materials for a conference. Presenters were instructed to include a "picture" of President George W. Bush in slide shows and to make the President's presence "prevalent."

This report briefly laws related to public relations within the executive branch. Generally speaking, there are two legal restrictions on agency public relations activities and propaganda. First of all, 5 U.S.C. 3107 prohibits the use of appropriated funds to hire publicity experts. Also, appropriations law "publicity and propaganda" clauses restrict the use of funds for puffery of an agency, purely partisan communications, and covert propaganda. No federal agency monitors federal public relations activities, but a Member or Committee of Congress may ask the Government Accountability Office (GAO) to examine an agency's expenditures on public relations activities with a view to their legality. Any effort to reform current statutory restrictions on agency public relations activities will face two challenges: defining "propaganda" and tracking public relations activities by agencies.

SECURITY CLASSIFICATION POLICY AND PROCEDURE: E.O. [EXECUTIVE ORDER] 12958, AS AMENDED. [97-771 GOV]
Harold C. Relyea. Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service. Updated January 7, 2005.
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E.O. 12958, prescribing security classification policy and procedure, was signed by President William Clinton in mid-April 1995. The order was prompted by changing security conditions in the aftermath of the end of the cold war and a desire for more economical and effective management of classified information. The directive was modified in late March 2003 by E.O. 13292, issued by President George W. Bush. Largely prescribed in a series of successive presidential executive orders issued over the past 50 years, security classification policy and procedure provide the rationale and arrangements for designating information officially secret for reasons of national security, and for its declassification as well. This report summarizes the recent history of executive orders, including the most recent changes under President Bush, and their national security rationales.