Embassy of the United States

Foreign Relations

Intergovernmental Cooperation Archive

AA09195
Brooks, Stephen; Wohlforth, William RESHAPING THE WORLD ORDER: HOW WASHINGTON SHOULD REFORM INTERNATIONAL INSTITUTIONS (Foreign Affairs, vol. 88, no. 2, March-April 2009, pp. 49-63)
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The authors, academics at Dartmouth College, propose a strategic approach rather than a recipe for reform and present the case for Washington leading the reform process. They believe that the existing architecture is out of sync with today’s world of rising powers and new challenges; as interdependence among countries intensifies and the list of global problems that the U.S. can’t resolve on its own grows, the benefits of international institutions will increase. Despite the fact that the Bush administration has squandered much goodwill in the past eight years, the U.S. has the means and the motive to spearhead the foundation of a new institutional order. It should follow a strategy that highlights the benefits of the institutional revisions, links the proposed order to the current one, and uses the United States’ position of influence to persuade other governments to sign on to reform.

REVERSING THE DECLINE: AN AGENDA FOR U.S.-RUSSIAN RELATIONS IN 2009.
Brookings Institution. Steven Pifer. January 2009.
Full Text [PDF format, 38 pages]

The policy paper studies how renewing the spirit of cooperation between Russia and the United States might be achieved. The paper is divided into four chapters, including "What Does Russia Want?" and "Implementing the Agenda." Among other recommendations, the author suggests that the new presidential administration might offer a revived nuclear arms control dialogue and also work on expanding commercial links between the two countries.

[Note: contains copyrighted material]

AA08302
Selden, Zachary STABILIZATION AND DEMOCRATIZATION: RENEWING THE TRANSATLANTIC ALLIANCE (Parameters, vol. 37, no. 4, Winter 2007/2008, pp. 85-98)
Full Text [PDF format, 15 pages]

Selden, assistant professor of political science at the University of Florida, argues that it is time for the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) to recast its mission. The original mission of the transatlantic alliance disappeared fifteen years ago, and it should now be transformed to make it capable of performing the stabilization and democratization missions that will likely be required in the coming decades. The alliance must take advantage of the nonmilitary capabilities that Europe has to offer, reforging NATO on a more balanced basis while countering emerging threats to mutual security.

AFGHANISTAN AND NATO: FORGING THE 21ST CENTURY ALLIANCE.
Brookings Institution; address by NATO SecGen Scheffer. February 29, 2008.
Full Text [pdf format, 54 pages]

On February 29, the Center on the United States and Europe at Brookings welcomed NATO Secretary General Jaap de Hoop Scheffer for a discussion on the effectiveness of the International Security Assistance Force operation in Afghanistan and what is needed to achieve success for NATO and the international community as a whole. Scheffer also previewed the upcoming Bucharest summit.

[Note: Contains copyrighted material.]

A COOPERATIVE STRATEGY FOR 21ST CENTURY SEAPOWER. U.S. Martine Corps, U.S. Department of the Navy, and U.S. Coast Guard. Web posted October 17, 2007.
Full Text [pdf format, 20 pages]

The Navy, Marine Corps, and the Coast Guard have come together to create a unified, maritime strategy that integrates U.S. seapower with the seapower of our allies. This report describes how this coordinated effort will be employed around the world to protect our way of life and to prevent war.

THE UNITED STATES, JAPAN, AND INDIA: TOWARD NEW TRILATERAL COOPERATION. Office of the Japan Chair, Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS). August 16, 2007.
Full Text [pdf format, 4 pages]

The U.S., Japan, and India share common values and a commitment to an open and stable international order. This report suggests that these three countries increase strategic consultations to ensure that an emerging Asian economic and political “architecture remains open and progressive, utilizing meetings such as the G-8 for trilateral leadership consultations and moving forward with Australia to establish a quadrilateral consultative mechanism while remaining open and flexible about membership and focus.” This paper presents recommendations made from three roundtable discussions on U.S.-Japan-India cooperation.

AA07339
Lake, David A. ESCAPE FROM THE STATE OF NATURE: AUTHORITY AND HIERARCHY IN WORLD POLITICS (International Security, Vol. 32, No. 1, Summer 2007, pp. 47-79)
Full text available from your nearest American Library

The conventional assumption is that international relations are a free-for-all, with each nation pursuing its interests and attempting to avoid domination by other nations. The author, professor of political science at the University of California at San Diego, argues, in contrast, that the international order is not a free-for-all, and that nations are like people -- they are willing to set aside the struggle for dominance if they can be part of a stable hierarchy that protects them. Oddly, accepting subordination to another nation has its advantages: more economic benefits go to consumers, and less money is spent on the military. Thus, proud nations are willing to barter away some of their independence for protection by a stronger power against security threats. The author attempts to construct objective measurements of security and economic hierarchies and coercive capabilities. He posits hierarchy measurement as a way of considering whether America is or is not an empire. Lake asserts that the U.S. has managed to construct a favorable political, military and economic hierarchy, first in Latin America, then Europe, and since then elsewhere. However, he adds, this hierarchy is now in jeopardy due to the war in Iraq, which is being waged without the support of America's allies.

COUNTRY STAKES IN CLIMATE CHANGE NEGOTIATIONS: TWO DIMENSIONS OF VULNERABILITY. Piet Buys, Uwe Deichmann, Craig Meisner, Thao Ton That, and David Wheeler. Policy Research Working Paper, World Bank. Web posted August 2, 2007.
Full Text [pdf format, 101 pages]

This study assesses countries' attitudes concerning international treaties that regulate carbon emissions. The authors distinguished and classified countries according to source and impact vulnerability. The results of the study “show clear differences in the factors that determine negotiating positions.” This analysis provides country-level information to explain incentives required to establishment carbon emissions agreements.

TREATIES IN FORCE: A LIST OF TREATIES AND OTHER INTERNATIONAL AGREEMENTS OF THE UNITED STATES IN FORCE ON JANUARY 1, 2007. Office of Legal Advisor, U.S. Department of States. Web posted August 3, 2007.
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Section 1: Bilateral Agreements [pdf format, 419 pages]

Section 2: Multilateral Agreements [pdf format, 196 pages]

This publication is prepared “for the purpose of providing information on treaties and other international agreements to which the United States has become a party and which are carried on the records of the Department of State as being in force as of its stated publication date, January 1, 2007.” This volume is arranged in two sections. Section 1 includes bilateral treaties listed by country with subject headings under each entry. Section 2 lists multilateral treaties and other international agreements arranged by subject.

U.S.-EUROPEAN UNION RELATIONS AND THE 2007 SUMMIT. Raymond Ahearn, Kristin Archick, and Paul Belkin. Congressional Research Service, Library of Congress. Updated May 14, 2007.
Full Text [pdf format, 6 pages]

Over the years, past Congresses and administrations have supported the European Union (EU) in fostering a stable Europe, cultivating democratic states, and promoting trading partners. However, over the past five years, trade and foreign policy conflicts have strained this relationship. Both the U.S. and EU have worked to improve cooperation and renew their commitment to tackling global challenges. 

This report summarizes the actions at the annual U.S.-EU summit in April 2007.

CONGRESSIONAL ATTITUDES ON THE FUTURE OF THE U.S.-SOUTH KOREA RELATIONSHIP: A REPORT OF THE INTERNATIONAL SECURITY PROGRAM CENTER FOR STRATEGIC AND INTERNATIONAL STUDIES. Jason W. Forrester. International Security Program Center, Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS). May 2007.
Full Text [pdf format, 37 pages]

This report provides an overview of the recent issues, oversight responsibilities, and the future of the U.S.-South Korea military alliance. The U.S. Congress continues to be optimistic about the future of this relationship; although recently there has been a perception of increased anti-Americanism in South Korea. In the past Congress has paid little attention to the U.S.-Republic of Korea (US-ROK) alliance; as a result, there is no central coordination of the overall relationship.

AA07233
Daalder, Ivo; Lindsay, James DEMOCRACIES OF THE WORLD, UNITE (American Interest, Vol. 2, No. 3, January/February 2007)
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The authors write that “the Bush revolution in foreign policy is over”; the U.S.’ unilateralist approach since Sept. 11 has alienated allies and greatly damaged our international standing. Daalder and Lindsay argue that traditional multilateralist approaches, such as working with traditionally close allies or with the U.N. or NATO, are “nineteenth- and twentieth-century policies for a twenty-first-century world” -- what they propose is a “Concert of Democracies”, that share common values and perspectives.

Traditional concerts-of-great-powers have their limitations -- countries such as China and Russia have divergent interests and often refuse to cooperate, and demagogues such as Hugo Chavez and Mahmoud Ahmadinejad are greeted with resounding applause when railing against great-power dominance, because “many of their listeners resent being told what to do by a few powerful countries.” The United Nations’ “universality ... is its greatest curse -- it is beholden to its least cooperative members”.

The world’s democracies, however, have a proven track record for cooperation, as well as the most capable militaries, the largest economies, and a shared commitment for the rule of law and good governance. The authors argue that the greatest source of legitimacy for such an alliance is that democracies recognize that international peace and justice are now based on protecting the rights of individuals; nation-state sovereignty can no longer be the sole principle of international politics. They describe at length how such an organization might be structured.

AA07208
Michta, Andrew WHAT NEXT FOR NATO? (Orbis, vol. 51, no. 1, Winter 2007, pp. 141-153)
Full text available from your nearest American Library

NATO’s mission in Afghanistan is no less than a test case for the future of the alliance. Its future relevance will depend on its ability to develop and maintain broad agreement on its overall missions, but Afghanistan shows a widening gulf between the United States and Europe in the willingness to equitably share priorities and risk in the name of accomplishing the alliance’s security missions. The author argues that today, Europe appears to be trapped in the strategic “pause” of the 1990s and does not share the U.S. view on the magnitude of the threat posed by international terrorism. Iraq laid bare the historical rift between the United States on one side and France and Germany on the other, in addition to highlighting the contrast between the more skeptical “old Europe” and “new Europe” more eager to support U.S. objectives. While NATO’s role in Iraq is marginal, the clock of NATO’s future continues ticking in an increasingly uphill battle in Afghanistan.

CHINA-EUROPE RELATIONS GET COMPLICATED.
David Shambaugh. Center for Northeast Asian Policy Studies, The Brookings Institution. Web posted May 7, 2007.
Full Text [html format, various pagings]

Since 1995 China-Europe relations have been steadily improving; however, recently the relationship has changed. In October 2006, the European Commission (EU) issued a Communication along with a policy paper that raised concerns about China’s trade and investment. The EU ratified this Communication in December. These documents surprised the Chinese government, but the People’s Republic of China (PRC) “understood” the EU’s concerns. The two parties plan to move ahead with negotiations on a new EU-PRC Partnership & Cooperation Agreement.

U.S.-CHINA RELATIONS: AN AFFIRMATIVE AGENDA, A RESPONSIBLE COURSE: REPORT OF AN INDEPENDENT TASK FORCE.
Dennis C. Blair and Carla A. Hills. Council on Foreign Relations. Web posted March 29, 2007.
Full Text [pdf format, 131 pages]

Many Americans believe that China’s interests are incompatible to ours; consequently, the Council of Foreign Relations set up a task force to examine and evaluate our current and future relationships with China. The Task Force report recommends that the U.S. “pursue a strategy focused on the integration of China into the global community and finds that such an approach will best encourage China to act in a way consistent with U.S. interests and international norms. The Task Force concludes with a series of recommendations aimed to reinforce recent efforts to deepen U.S.-China cooperation.”

AA07072
Algieri, Franco. A WEAKENED EU'S PROSPECTS FOR GLOBAL LEADERSHIP
(Washington Quarterly, vol. 30, no. 1, Winter 2006-2007, pp. 107-115)
Full text [pdf format, 9 pages]

Since 1992 the European Union has developed a significant economic presence but its political goals as a worldwide actor quite often exceeds its "capacity to act as a supranational entity," the author argues. Algieri, a fellow at the Center for Applied Research (CAP) at Ludwig-Maximilians University in Munich, portrays an EU that is growing as new member states come on board but is unable to respond to international events with timeliness. Whether this is due to bureaucratic inertia or structural inabilities to take a greater leadership role internationally, he does not make clear. The main dilemma, according to Algieri, revolves around the EU's desire to exert more power on the world stage without its member states surrendering too much sovereignty. Set against this dilemma is the pressure of nations waiting in line to enter the EU. Whether an enlarged EU will remain relevant in world affairs with these internal pressures is a big question.

AA06212
Buyoya, Pierre TOWARD A STRONGER AFRICAN UNION (Brown Journal of World Affairs, Vol. 12, No. 2, Winter/Spring 2006, pp. 165-175)
Full text available from your nearest American Library

The author, former president of Burundi, notes that the Organization of the African Union (AU) has been instrumental in ensuring that its member countries do not lag behind others or become isolated. Buyoya believes that the AU must look for ways for its member countries to establish strong relationships with one another, so that they may exert their proper influence in the international arena. The AU's cooperation with New Partnership for African Development and the Peer Review Mechanism reflect its objective to carry out projects that are directly needed by the citizens of its member countries. Modeled after the European Union, the AU enjoys a strong partnership with the United Nations.

U.S.-UK RELATIONS AT THE START OF THE 21ST CENTURY.
Jeffrey D. McCausland and Douglas T. Stuart. United States Army War College, Strategic Studies Institute (SSI). January 2006.
Full text: [pdf format, 225 pages]

In his introduction, Ambassador Mitchell B. Reiss, Special Envoy to the Northern Ireland Peace Process, writes that theorists have a difficult time explaining the relationship between the United States and the United Kingdom -- especially its remarkable endurance over the past six decades. For, almost from its inception, the relationship has been fraught with disagreement and acrimony, often over existential matters of war and peace.

Reiss posits that it is the two countries' ability to disagree and argue passionately, candidly, and forcefully with each other -- and then to pick up the pieces, place their anger behind them, and go forward together - that makes the relationship special and explains why it has thrived. "Disagreement and resolution are the hallmark signs of a healthy partnership."

This monograph is a compilation of experts' papers delivered at conferences at both Dickinson College and the Defense Academy of the United Kingdom on "The Future of the Special Relationship." The papers examine the economic and business, political and legal, foreign policy, and security and defense aspects of the U.S.-U.K relationship.

ORPHANS OF CONFLICT: CARING FOR THE INTERNALLY DISPLACED.
Donald Steinberg. United States Institute of Peace. October 2005.
Download the document [pdf format, 20 pages]

The crisis of internally displaced persons (IDPs) -- those who are driven from their homes by conflict, human rights abuses, natural disasters, and other causes, and who do not cross international borders -- affects some 25 million people in 50 countries. IDPs suffer severe humanitarian hardships, lack basic human rights, and are subject to abuse. The chaos and instability that accompanies internal displacement is an invitation to international crime, pandemic diseases, and trafficking in persons, drugs, and weapons. Host governments that are ultimately responsible for assisting, protecting, and returning IDPs to their homes are often unable or unwilling to do so.

This report proposes five steps to improve the global response to internal displacement. If taken, these steps would build ownership of IDPs by host governments and foreign donors, implement rules and standards governing the response, reform the response of the United Nations and the United States, and create a permanent advocacy constituency for IDPs. The five steps are:

• National governments, foreign donors, and NGOs should apply the concept of sovereignty as the "responsibility to protect" to cases of large-scale internal displacement.
• Governments, international organizations, and NGOs should do more to implement the "Guiding Principles on Internal Displacement," a nonbinding but comprehensive statement of the rights of IDPs and domestic and international responsibilities.
• The UN should designate the UN High Commissioner for Refugees as the lead UN agency for IDPs, or the secretary-general should assign a specific UN agency the lead for each new crisis of internal displacement.
• The U.S. government should strengthen the U.S. Agency for International Development's leadership on IDP assistance issues by earmarking resources for IDPs and providing a legislative mandate for this responsibility.
• The American public should create a new mechanism -- a "USA for IDPs" -- to highlight IDP crises, build a constituency for action, and provide a means for private Americans to respond financially.