Embassy of the United States

Foreign Relations

Foreign Policy Archive

THE EUROPEAN UNION, LISBON AND THE OFFICE HUNT.
Brookings Institution. Federiga Bindi. October 12, 2009.
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The Lisbon Treaty finally secured Irish ratification on October 2, but the fight is not over, several steps remain. First, the treaty is not yet fully ratified and several machinations remain. Second, even beyond the struggle for ratification, the details of implementation will determine what the treaty really means for the future of Europe. The report explains why Lisbon matters, then discuss the challenges the European Union is facing, and sketches out how that bargaining process is likely to go.

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GERMANY’S BORING ELECTION MASKS TROUBLES AHEAD.
YaleGlobal. Bruce Stokes. October 12, 2009.
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Chancellor Angela Merkel’s win in the recent German election could bring trouble for Berlin’s allies both in Europe and abroad. Though the elections were some of the dullest in history, according to commentator Bruce Stokes, the make-up of the new government, Christian Democrat and Free Democrat, is likely to lead to divisions with international allies over jumpstarting the economy and resolving Afghanistan and Iran issues. Germany is unlikely to stray from its export-led economy despite the international imbalances it causes.

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THE ROAD AHEAD FOR U.S.-IRAN RELATIONS.
Council on Foreign Relation, October 2, 2009.
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In this interview, John W. Limbert, Distinguished Professor of International Affairs, U.S. Naval Academy, points to a possible thawing in relations.

AFGHANISTAN: POST-TALIBAN GOVERNANCE, SECURITY, AND U.S. POLICY [RL30588].
Kenneth Katzman, Congressional Research Service, Library of Congress. October 6, 2009.
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Update on U.S. Afghanistan policy.

IRAN: U.S. CONCERNS AND POLICY RESPONSES [RL32048].
Kenneth Katzman, Congressional Research Service, Library of Congress. October 5, 2009.
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Update on U.S. Iran policy.

CHINA’S ARRIVAL: A STRATEGIC FRAMEWORK FOR A GLOBAL RELATIONSHIP.
Center for a New American Security. Linton Brooks et al. September 22, 2009.
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According to the report, China’s rise is one of the most significant geopolitical events in modern history, with important ramifications for U.S. interests, regional power balances, and the international order. As the Obama administration confronts a broad set of worldwide challenges, questions remain as to how the United States should engage China amidst uncertainty about its long-term intentions and how to balance this important relationship against concerns regarding China’s behavior in the international community.

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Joffe, Josef THE DEFAULT POWER (Foreign Affairs, vol. 88, no. 5, September-October 2009, pp. 21-25)
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According to Joffe, co-editor of Die Zeit, predicting the demise of U.S. global dominance has been an intellectual sport for 50 years. Yet he argues that still no other country comes close to the United States’ economic or military heft. Joffe doubts that China will eclipse the United States as a world power any time soon. “Alas, global standing is not measured by the low prices of nontradable goods, such as haircuts, bootlegged software, and government services,” he says. Export dependence hurts China both by risky reliance on foreign customers and risky denial of domestic welfare. Even if China avoids internal upheaval, Joffe says, it faces the problem of a rapidly aging population. He doubts that Europe will eclipse the United States -- Europe lacks the will to use armed force as required by a global power. And the United States, alone among contending powers, shows the enlightened self-interest that breeds foreign influence, he says.

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Bauer, John W. UNLOCKING RUSSIAN INTERESTS ON THE KOREAN PENINSULA (Parameters, vol. 39, no. 2, Summer 2009, pp. 52-62)
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According to the author, a strategist for Special Operations Command Korea, the changing dynamics of the Russian relationships with North and South Korea may present an opportunity to work together to resolve the decades-long standoff on the peninsula. Despite the close relationship that once existed between Pyongyang and Moscow, there is reason to believe that they now share little in common. Russia’s national and economic interests now favor South Korea over the North; Russia is energy-rich and South Korea is energy-hungry. Russian support for the North has been waning since its 1990 recognition of South Korea and its reduction of military and technical aid to the North; Russia very likely would not support the North militarily in the event of war. The Russians and South Koreans have been trying to establish a railroad connection passing through the North, but plans have been stalled by Pyongyang, leading to an agreement to build an exclusive-use South Korean port facility near Vladivostok. The Chinese, however, have not been enthusiastic about North Korean economic transformation and the potential for reunification because they are content to have a territorial buffer between them and the Republic of Korea, a U.S. ally. Russia’s desire to establish a long-term economic relationship with South Korea is thus changing the strategic calculus on the peninsula, and creating an opportunity which the author notes “may be missed if not carefully nurtured now, before war or crisis occurs in North Korea.”

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Cohen, Roger THE MAKING OF AN IRAN POLICY (New York Times Magazine, August 2, 2009, pp. 36-43)
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The author, a New York Times columnist just back from Tehran, discusses the Obama administration’s struggle with what he considers its biggest diplomatic challenge. The Bush administration's ideologically driven “axis-of-evil” approach to Iran had failed; Tehran had prospered by expanding its regional influence and was accelerating its nuclear program. The Obama administration believed it was time to seek normalization through a new approach. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, whose instincts on Iran have always been more hawkish than the president's, was pushing for a harder line, supported by Vice President Joe Biden; they did not prevail. The Obama administration's conviction is that Ahmadinejad's election was fraudulent, but in the American interest, it is ready to overlook that and to talk. The White House had been deliberately impartial on the election outcome by directing its diplomatic overture chiefly at Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, Iran's supreme leader. In early May, Obama sent Khamenei a secret personal letter that proposed a framework for talks on the nuclear issue and regional security. The two things it had not planned for, however, were a situation of near-insurrection and Khamenei's shift into explicit alignment with Ahmadinejad.

CHINA-TAIWAN RELATIONS.
Council on Foreign Relations. Youkyung Lee. August 10, 2009.
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Taiwan, whose leaders continue to talk about independence, remains a focal point of Chinese military modernization.

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OBAMA’S MIDDLE CHALLENGE – PART I.
Yale Center for the Study of Globalization. June 16, 2009.
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The author analyzes Obama’s speech, which he thinks could prove to be a pivotal moment in Middle East politics. At the least, it shows a new U.S. empathy for the plight of the Palestinians and a new stance toward the Israelis not shown before by an American president. It recognizes the need for a Palestinian state and calls for an end to Israeli settlements.

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MUSLIMS LOVED OBAMA’S WORDS, BUT ARE WAITING FOR ACTIONS.
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. Amr Hamzawy. June 8, 2009.
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Arab governments greeted Barack Obama’s much-anticipated Muslim world at Cairo University last week as a clear sign of the new U.S. administration’s intention to reset America’s relations with the Arab and Muslim worlds. But there are significant differences between the reactions of America’s moderate friends in the region and those of its radical foes.

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Douville, Alex J. BEYOND THE WATER’S EDGE: THE ROLE OF EX-PRESIDENTS IN U.S. FOREIGN POLICY (Georgetown Journal of International Affairs, vol. 10, no. 1, Winter/Spring 2009, pp. 57-62)
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Ex-presidents are increasingly asserting a more active role in foreign policy due to the relatively young age at which they retire, longer life expectancies, and the reach of the Internet and 24-hour communications networks. The author, director of policy studies at the Center for the Study of the Presidency in Washington, D.C. says that the ongoing engagement of these men is good and may contribute to the future success of foreign policy. The reach of former presidents is broader these days because many recent officials, including Jimmy Carter, have established policy centers in their names giving them a solid platform from which to exert influence. Sitting presidents are also making use of their predecessors to handle delicate diplomatic missions and to raise funds for humanitarian disasters. “Former presidents can also circumvent the animosity that plagues traditional channels of U.S. foreign policy,” Douville writes, “championing American ideals by acting as unofficial ‘Goodwill Ambassadors.’” While their influence is valuable, he says, their activities should be coordinated with current administrations whenever possible.

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Jalali, Ali A. WINNING IN AFGHANISTAN (Parameters, vol. 39, no. 1, Spring 2009, pp. 5-21)
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Jalali, former Interior Minister of Afghanistan and now Professor at the Near East South Asia Center for Strategic Studies at the National Defense University, discusses the past failures and the future necessities in what is now America’s primary foreign-policy priority. Jalali sees problems ahead with regard to the upcoming plans for more U.S. troop involvement, noting that “since 2001 the situation in Afghanistan has evolved from a relatively simple post-conflict setting into a complex threat environment marked by terrorism, insurgency, and the many challenges of nation-building.” Jalali notes that the goals of the Afghans, the Obama Administration and the international community are often at cross-purposes. The terrorist presence means that Afghan and international forces will have to simultaneously tackle the challenges of counterterrorism, counterinsurgency, and nation-building. He writes that the focus of the administration’s new Afghanistan strategy should include eliminating the ability of the insurgency to use Pakistan as a base, building support among the Afghan tribes and local communities and assisting the Afghan government in establishing the rule of law and combating corruption.

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Fair, C. Christine TIME FOR SOBER REALISM: RENEGOTIATING U.S. RELATIONS WITH PAKISTAN (Washington Quarterly, vol. 32, no. 2, April 2009, pp. 149-172)
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The author, a senior political scientist with the RAND Corporation, asserts that the U.S. has largely failed in its efforts to help Pakistan become a stable, prosperous, and democratic state that supports U.S. interests in the region, including combating Islamist militancy, supporting a secure Afghanistan, and preventing further nuclear proliferation. An important reason for this lack of success is that “the main U.S. programs misdiagnose the various problems they seek to affect.” An example is the assumption that the Pakistani government supports the various plans that have been put forward to develop the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA), despite much evidence to the contrary. Analysts have proposed a number of approaches to improve the situation and encourage more Pakistani cooperation with the U.S., including 1) mitigating the trust deficit caused by the American perception that Islamabad has a history of “saying one thing and doing another” and the Pakistani perception of the U.S. as an unreliable partner, 2) addressing Pakistan’s regional security concerns, particularly its fears of an Afghanistan allied with India, and 3) civilianizing a militarized state. The U.S. needs to lessen its dependence on Pakistan, provide assistance that strengthens Pakistan’s ability to govern itself and to wage counterinsurgency and counterterrorism operations effectively, and support Pakistani civil society.

SECURITY IN MEXICO: IMPLICATIONS FOR U.S. POLICY OPTIONS.
RAND Corporation. Agnes Gereben Schaefer et al. April 28, 2009.
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The security structure in Mexico is characterized by shifting responsibilities, duplication of services, and general instability, along with a lack of coordination among federal, state, and local security forces. The backdrop of a deteriorating security situation in Mexico and change in administration in the United States demands a closer examination of potential priorities and policy options to guide future U.S.-Mexico relations.

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WHAT ARE U.S. POLICY OPTIONS FOR DEALING WITH SECURITY IN MEXICO?
RAND Corporation. April 28, 2009.
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In light of a worsening security situation in Mexico, the study identifies three U.S. policy options for dealing with Mexico’s security issues, strategic partnership, status quo, and retrenchment, in terms of their impact on addressing U.S. priorities and of likely Mexican responses.

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CUBA: A NEW POLICY OF CRITICAL AND CONSTRUCTIVE ENGAGEMENT.
Brookings Institution. Carlos Pascual and Vicki Huddleton. April 2009.
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The authors, by testing the responses of several strategic actors and stakeholders, the Cuban hierarchy, independent civil society, and the international and Cuban American communities, to a variety of scenarios, have identified potential catalysts and constraints to political change on the island. They conclude that United States should adopt a policy of critical and constructive engagement, phased-in unilaterally.

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FACT SHEET: REACHING OUT TO THE CUBAN PEOPLE.
The White House. April 13, 2009.
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The Obama administration announces a series of changes in U.S. policy to reach out to the Cuban people in support of their desire to freely determine their country’s future. These steps are taken to help bridge the gap among divided Cuban families and promote the freer flow of information and humanitarian items to the Cuban people.

U.S. – CUBA RELATIONS.
Council on Foreign Relations. Stephanie Hanson. April 14, 2009.
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Cuba has been at odds with the United States since Fidel Castro assumed power in 1959. Successive U.S. administrations have tried a range of tough measures, including prolonged economic sanctions and designation of Cuba as a State Sponsor of Terrorism, none of which substantially weakened Castro's rule. According to the study, despite stirrings of U.S. economic interest in Cuba and some policy softening under President Barack Obama, experts say that normalization of U.S.-Cuba relations is unlikely in the near to medium term.

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RUSSIAN FOREIGN POLICY: SOURCES AND IMPLICATIONS.
RAND Corporation. Olga Oliker et al.
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As Russia's economy has grown, so have the country's global involvement and influence, which often take forms that the United States neither expects nor likes, as the August 2008 conflict in Georgia demonstrated. Despite the two countries' many disagreements and the rising tension between them, the United States and Russia share some key interests and goals. The authors assess Russia's strategic interests and the factors that influence Russian foreign policy broadly. Further, they also consider the implications of Russia's evolving approaches for U.S. interests. The authors find that Russia's rising confidence will continue to create challenges for U.S. policymakers.

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U.S. STRATEGY IN AFGHANISTAN. RAND Corporation.
Seth G. Jones. April 2, 2009.
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This is the testimony presented before the House Foreign Affairs Committee, Subcommittee on Middle East and South Asia on April 2, 2009.

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SAUDI-IRANIAN RELATIONS SINCE THE FALL OF SADDAM: RIVALRY, COOPERATION, AND IMPLICATIONS FOR U.S. POLICY.
RAND Corporation. Frederic Wehrey et al. March 2009.
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The often tense relationship between Saudi Arabia and Iran has been at the center of many of the major political shifts that have occurred in the Middle East since the fall of Saddam Hussein in 2003. The study documents how relations between the two powers have unfolded in the Persian Gulf, Iraq, Lebanon, and Palestine from 2003 through January 2009. It details the complex and multidimensional relationship between Saudi Arabia and Iran and its implications for regional stability and U.S. interests. The study concludes with U.S. policy recommendations for leveraging the Saudi-Iranian relationship, particularly in the context of a U.S. drawdown in Iraq, the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, and the Iranian nuclear issue.

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HELPING MEXICO HELP ITSELF.
Council on Foreign Relations. Shannon K. O’Neil. February 24, 2009.
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Brazen assassinations, kidnappings, and political intimidation by drug lords conjure up images of Colombia in the early 1990s. Yet today, it is Mexico that is being engulfed by escalating violence, according to the report. The United States and Mexico are now inextricably intertwined through their economies, their societies, and their security. The United States benefits from Mexico's successes, but also shares its challenges.

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PREPARING FOR SUDDEN CHANGE IN NORTH KOREA.
Council on Foreign Relations. Paul B. Stares and Joel S. Wit. January 2009.
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North Korea poses difficult challenges for U.S. foreign policy. It possesses nuclear weapons and missiles to deliver them, and despite some progress, it is not clear that the ongoing Six-Party Talks will be able to reveal the full extent of the country’s nuclear activities, much less persuade Pyongyang to give them up. The report focuses on how to manage one of the central unknowns: the prospect of a change in North Korea’s leadership.

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Kramer, Steven Philip THE ABSENCE OF EUROPE: IMPLICATIONS FOR INTERNATIONAL SECURITY? (Strategic Forum, No. 235, October 2008, pp. 1-6)
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Kramer, Professor of National Security Studies at the Industrial College of the Armed Forces, National Defense University, notes that we are facing a worsening economic situation and a war in Iraq that will be difficult to end. He predicts that the next U.S. administration will seek to return to a more multilateral foreign policy and attempt to work closely with Europe. But Europe may not be willing or able to meet American expectations to play a larger role in international security. In short, Europe’s ability to work with (and influence) the U.S. is limited by its self-imposed weakness in international security, which is the consequence of the EU’s political structure and worldview. America may have no choice but to turn to Asia for support if it wishes to remain an international arbiter. Perhaps a different kind of relationship with a more activist China and India will be needed to manage global instability; if so, the Euro-American age will have come to a close.

MEMO TO THE PRESIDENT: RENEW DIPLOMACY IN THE MIDDLE EAST.
Brookings Institute. Martin S. Indyk and Kenneth M. Pollack. January 5, 2009.
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The authors show that the new administration will inherit a Middle East in turmoil, roiled by multiple crises that will require the Administration’s immediate and prolonged attention. It describes the underlying problems:  inappropriate educational systems, underperforming economies, oppressive autocratic governments, and a culture that feels threatened by globalization. They continue that only by helping the region resolve these problems, the United States eliminate the threats it poses to the U.S.

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UNDERSTANDING IRAN.
RAND Corporation. Jerrold D. Green et al. Web posted January 8, 2009.
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Iran remains among the most poorly understood countries in the world and, for most Americans, terra incognita. A small community of American analysts in the government, academia, and the country’s think tanks is, of course, working on Iran, but the overwhelming majority of them has never been to Iran or has visited only briefly. The report is the result of a workshop and the authors’ own experience and analysis, is a concise, accessible handbook on the Islamic Republic for U.S. policymakers.

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ISLAMIST MILITANCY IN THE PAKISTAN-AFGHANISTAN BORDER REGION AND U.S. POLICY.
Congressional Research Service, RL34763, Library of Congress. K. Aland Kronstadt and Kenneth Katzman. Web posted January 2, 2009.
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Increasing militant activity in western Pakistan poses three key national security threats: an increased potential for major attacks against the United States itself; a growing threat to Pakistani stability; and a hindrance of U.S. efforts to stabilize Afghanistan. A key, according to U.S. commanders, is to reduce militant infiltration into Afghanistan from Pakistan.

FOREIGN RELATIONS OF THE UNITED STATES, 1969-1976, VOLUME E-14, PART 1, DOCUMENTS ON THE UNITED NATIONS, 1973-1976.
Office of the Historian, U.S. Department of State. January 5, 2009.
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The Department of State has released the latest publication in the sub series of the Foreign Relations series that documents the most important decisions and actions of the foreign policy of the administrations of Presidents Richard M. Nixon and Gerald R. Ford. The volume documents United States Government decision making concerning food policy, population control, and women’s issues. It also covers matters pertaining to representation in the United Nations and related international bodies, as well as other United Nations-related issues during the Nixon and Ford administrations.

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Brose, Christian THE MAKING OF GEORGE W. OBAMA (Foreign Policy, January/February 2009, pp. 53-55)
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The author, speechwriter for former Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice, says there will be less foreign policy deviation in the Bush-Obama political transition than one might otherwise expect. Brose says there won’t be radical departures but there will be differences in energy and climate change policy. He also says the Iraq war will likely wind down while the Afghan war will gear up and the detention facility in Guantanamo Bay, Cuba will be closed. The author goes on to suggest that there may be considerable continuity between the two administrations in their fight against al-Qaeda. The new president will also continue his predecessor’s policy of Middle East engagement.

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Idov, Michael COOLING DOWN THE NEW COLD WAR: HOW PRESIDENT OBAMA SHOULD MANAGE RUSSIA (New Republic online, December 9, 2009)
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The author offers advice to the incoming Obama administration on likely flashpoints in relations with Moscow, which since the November elections has been stepping up provocative acts, such as an uptick in Anti-American propaganda, threats to deploy new short-range missiles, naval tours in Latin America and overtures to regimes hostile to Washington. The author welcomes NATO’s decision to defer membership consideration for Ukraine and Georgia. He recommends that the Obama administration take a go-slow approach to this initiative and allow Russia to take a stronger role in nuclear negotiations with Iran, but that Washington join with Norway and Canada to strongly resist Moscow’s attempted claims in the Arctic. Obama’s charisma could also serve as a force multiplier for soft power, and the author urges him to consider a tour in Russia, which could go a long way toward repairing America’s image and repudiate the Kremlin’s hostile rhetoric.

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King, Charles GEORGIA WITHOUT THE SPIN (Foreign Policy online, posted November 20, 2008)
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The author, faculty chair at Georgetown’s Walsh School of Foreign Service, takes a hard look at the August 2008 Georgia crisis, coming away with strong criticism for the brinkmanship style of Georgian President Mikhail Saakashvili. While granting no allowances for Russia’s actions, the author argues that new revelations about Georgian actions in the lead-up to the conflict complicate the narrative championed by many policymakers in Washington -– a view of Georgia as blameless victim that Saakashvili showcased in a sophisticated media campaign during the conflict and combined with U.S. and European statements of support to escalate tensions with Moscow before the crisis. Recent polls show rising anxiety among Georgian citizens and eroding support for Saakashvili’s policy course. “None of the sides remains blameless,” writes the author, “but in light of this new information, it is now clear that for U.S. President-elect Barack Obama, constraining Georgia will be a task no less important than containing Russia.”

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Goldsmith, Arthur MAKING THE WORLD SAFE FOR PARTIAL DEMOCRACY? QUESTIONING THE PREMISES OF DEMOCRACY PROMOTION (International Security, vol. 33, no. 2, Fall 2008, pp. 120-147)
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Goldsmith, professor of management at the University of Massachusetts Boston, asserts that democracy promotion is a favorable strategy to advance the cause of world peace, especially in the Middle East, but undifferentiated democracy promotion has two faulty premises. First, all progress toward the establishment of democratic regimes does not necessarily make the global community safer. Second, regime change is not something external actors have the capacity to guide in the desired direction. The first assumption fails to consider the well-documented security problems caused by partial democracies, and the second assumption overstates the ability of powerful outsiders to induce transitions to full democracy. Goldsmith writes that a cautious and selective approach to democracy promotion is better than a “one-size-fits-all” blanket approach that disregards the nature of each situation.

FIRST STEPS TOWARD RESTORING AMERICAN LEADERSHIP: LEGALITY MATTERS.
Century Foundation. Jeffrey Laurenti. Web posted November 8, 2008.
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The author, Laurenti, suggests that to reclaim American leadership and credibility in resolving the many deepening crises on America’s international agenda, the next administration must move swiftly to reverse the U.S. rupture with international law and institutions of the past decade. The report argues that the collapse of America’s global standing during this decade has real and measurable consequences in shriveled U.S. capacity to influence events worldwide. The United States had honored international legal commitments without harm to America’s core interests from the presidencies of Truman and Eisenhower to those of Ford and Carter.

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RUSSIAN-AMERICAN SECURITY RELATIONS AFTER GEORGIA.
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. Rose Gottemoeller Web posted November 4, 2008.
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The crisis in Georgia bluntly revealed the failure by the United States and Russia to create a closer working relationship after the Cold War. With both countries now in presidential transition, the potential for new misunderstandings and tensions grows even greater. Established and well-understood treaties and agreements, which have previously inspired at least predictability and confidence in the bilateral relationship, could help establish a new book of rules both countries can embrace, explains Rose Gottemoeller.

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Frum, David BUSH'S LEGACY (Foreign Policy, no. 168, September/October 2008, pp. 32-38)
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The author, a former speechwriter and special assistant to President Bush, and now a resident fellow at the American Enterprise Institute, admits that the president may be the most unpopular president in modern times, often considered a “reckless, unilateralist cowboy”, but history will be kinder to George W. Bush than contemporary caricatures. After eight years, he leaves behind much more than a defeated dictator in Iraq. His successes include closer ties to India, a pragmatic relationship with China, pressure applied to Iran that will pay dividends for years to come, the signing of new bilateral trade agreements, and the world's first convention on cybercrime. In the two decades leading up to Bush's presidency, the US and its allies were struck by a rising number of increasingly ambitious, aggressive, and deadly terrorist attacks. Conversely, if Iran is allowed to follow North Korea into the nuclear weapons club, it could well be the failure to act against the other two thirds of the "axis of evil," not the willingness to act in Iraq, that will be regarded as the most important decision of the Bush years. Bush's political opponents will continue to attack him after he leaves the presidency. Just as the Bush presidency led Democrats to express an unexpected nostalgia for Ronald Reagan, the next Republican president can expect to hear from pundits and academics alike that he falls far short of the high standard set by the last one.

EVEN AS OPTIMISM ABOUT IRAQ SURGES: DECLINING PUBLIC SUPPORT FOR GLOBAL ENGAGEMENT.
Pew Research Center. September 24, 2008.
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The public is feeling much better about how the war in Iraq is going these days, but at the same time has a sharply diminished support for U.S. efforts to deal with an array of global problems. Fewer people than at any point in this decade assign high priority to such foreign policy goals as preventing genocide, strengthening the United Nations, promoting and defending human rights, and reducing the global spread of AIDS and other infectious diseases.

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CHANGING COURSE: A NEW DIRECTION FOR U.S. RELATIONS WITH THE MUSLIM WORLD.
U.S.-Muslim Engagement Project. September 23, 2008.
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Creating partnerships for peace with Muslim countries and communities is one of the greatest challenges and opportunities facing the United States today. Currently, conflict, misunderstanding, and distrust plague U.S. relations with Muslims in many countries, imperiling security for all. However, despite these tensions, the vast majority of Americans and Muslims around the world want peace, amicable relations, good governance, prosperity, and respect. The report outlines a comprehensive strategy for the U.S. to enhance international security by improving relations with key Muslim countries and communities.

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THE UNITED STATES AND LIBYA: WHERE DO WE GO FROM HERE?
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. Michele Dunne. September 2008.
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The author, Michele Dunne, warns that, following recent diplomatic success in settling long-standing disputes, the United States risks falling into business-as-usual relations with Libya. The United States should set clear, strategic objectives aimed at helping the Libyan people and avoid merely putting more resources into the hands of regime insiders and crony capitalists.

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Kagan, Robert THE SEPTEMBER 12 PARADIGM: AMERICA, THE WORLD, AND GEORGE W. BUSH (Foreign Affairs, Vol. 87, No. 5, September/October 2008, pp. 25-39)
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Future presidents should not shy away from using U.S. power to promote American values. September 11 changed a presidential administration once leery of “nation building,” into an activist for democracy, achieving minimal results while accelerating growing ambiguity from Europe. The United States and other democratic nations share a common aspiration for a liberal international order, argues the author, which is increasingly coming under pressure from both “great-power autocracies” and “radical Islamic terrorism.” In the face of these challenges, “a return to realism” is as important as ever, and all sides must come together to offer both words and actions in democracy’s defense.

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Campbell, Kurt; Steinberg, James MANAGING FOREIGN POLICY AND NATIONAL SECURITY CHALLENGES IN PRESIDENTIAL TRANSITIONS (Washington Quarterly, vol. 31, no. 4, Autumn 2008, pp. 7-20)
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The authors, CEO of the Center for a New American Security (CNAS) and dean of the Lyndon B. Johnson School of Public Affairs in Austin, Texas, respectively, write that presidential transitions are replete with dangers and missteps that blindside even the most experienced practitioners, but they are also times of opportunity. The end of the Cold War has changed the nature of the challenges, but the two-and-a-half-month transition that will take place at the end of this year poses even greater challenges than in the past. Although each transition is unique, the next president and his team need to understand the lessons of the past if he is to take advantage of the great opportunities for new U.S. leadership and avoid the landmines that lie ahead. Grave national security challenges during times of presidential transition are hardly new; selecting key personnel is further complicated by the sheer number of appointments that must be made as a result of the widening scope of national security issues. Although cabinet officials are almost always named and confirmed by the first day in office, cumbersome vetting procedures and congressional overload can cause second- and third-tier appointments to languish for months, producing systemic uncertainty and wedging open a dangerous window of vulnerability.

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Hachigian, Nina; Sutphen, Mona STRATEGIC COLLABORATION: HOW THE UNITED STATES CAN THRIVE AS OTHER POWERS RISE (Washington Quarterly, vol. 31, no. 4, Autumn 2008, pp. 43-57)
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The authors note that calling for a new G-13 forum would be a bold and useful step that the next president could take. The new president will face a radically different world than the one that George W. Bush inherited -- beyond instability in the Middle East, several major new world powers have emerged. This strategic environment is unlike any the United States has ever encountered. The authors argue that, instead of regarding the emergence of China, India and Russia as a threat to American prominence, the next administration must harness the power of these new players, particularly through a new forum that can tackle the greatest threats to contemporary global security. They note that this new world is shaped by technology, rather than ideology, and allows money, goods, and people to cross borders. By the same token, infectious diseases can spread with similar ease, and technology has empowered rogue states and terrorist groups. In this new era, the authors note, the greatest threats to the peace and prosperity that the international community desires does not emanate from other strong powers but from these “technologically empowered forces of chaos -- the rotten fruit of globalization.”

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Holbrooke, Richard THE NEXT PRESIDENT: MASTERING A DAUNTING AGENDA (Foreign Affairs, Vol. 87, No. 5, September-October 2008, pp. 2-24)
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Holbrooke, U.S. ambassador to the United Nations from 1999 to 2001 and chief architect of the 1995 Dayton peace agreement, describes the many daunting challenges facing the next administration. To restore U.S. leadership in the world requires drastic change in the domestic U.S. economy and repair to the U.S. reputation around the world. Long-term economic reform requires different national policy on energy and climate change. Repairing the United States’ reputation can begin immediately in the next administration by issuing a clear official ban on torture and closing the detention facility at Guantanamo Bay. He says Obama favors diplomacy as the best way for enhancing U.S. power and influence. Except for climate change, he says, McCain takes harder-line positions on international issues than the Bush administration.

AA08317
Kaplan, Robert LIFTING THE BAMBOO CURTAIN (Atlantic Monthly, vol. 302, no. 2, September 2008)
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“Democracy will not deliver Burma from being a cobbled-together mini-empire of nationalities, even if it does open the door to compromise among them,” says Kaplan, who notes one-third of Burma’s population is composed of ethnic minorities living in the country’s borderlands. Both China and India are competing for power and influence in resource-rich Burma. Kaplan interviewed four Americans, who declined to be identified, with deep ties to the country. Among their observations: War fatigue has set in and the ethnic tribes show little propensity to fight each other after the regime unravels; the regime’s 400,000-man army is prone to mutiny and could easily be unraveled; and, the U.S. should be building friendly relationships with Burma’s ethnic minorities.

AA08300
Harley, Jeffrey ONE POLICY FOR CHINA: AVOIDING CONFLICT WITH THE MAINLAND (Harvard International Review, vol. 29, no. 4, Winter 2008, pp. 20-23)
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Harley, visiting fellow with the Council on Foreign Relations, discusses the position of the U.S. on the one-China principle. America has effectively deterred conflict between China and Taiwan by accepting this principle. The U.S. has been opposing Taiwanese independence and dissuading Taiwan from making unilateral declarations, while also deterring China from the use of force against Taiwan. Conflict between the U.S. and China over Taiwan is unlikely because of the high volume of trade between the two nations, growing trade relations between China and Taiwan, as well as a mutual understanding of the danger of military conflict between two nuclear powers. The U.S. must continue to maintain peace along the Taiwan Strait and provide stability in the region

ARMENIA, AZERBAIJAN, AND GEORGIA: POLITCAL DEVELOPMENTS AND IMPLICATIONS FOR U.S. INTERESTS.
Congressional Research Service, RL33453, Library of Congress. Jim Nichol. Web posted August 25, 2008.
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The United States recognized the independence of Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Georgia when the former Soviet Union broke up at the end of 1991. The U.S. has been active in diplomatic efforts to end conflicts in the region, several of which remain unresolved. Some Members of Congress believe that the U.S. should provide greater attention to the region’s increasing role as an east-west trade and security corridor linking the Black Sea and Caspian Sea regions, and to Armenia’s inclusion in such links. Others urge caution in adopting policies that will heavily involve the U.S. in a region beset by ethnic and civil conflicts.

RUSSIAN POLITICAL, ECONOMIC, AND SECURITY ISSUES AND U.S. INTERESTS.
Congressional Research Service, RL33407, Library of Congress. Stuart D. Goldman. Web posted August 20, 2008.
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Dmitry Medvedev, Putin’s chosen successor and long-time protege, was elected President of the Russian Federation on March 2, 2008 with about 70% of the vote. The economic upturn that began in 1999 is continuing. However, some major problems remain with 15% of the population lives below the poverty line and foreign investment is relatively low. Further, inflation, crime, corruption, capital flight, and unemployment remain high. Russian foreign policy has grown more self-confident, assertive and anti-western, fueled by its perceived status as an “energy superpower.” Washington and Moscow have found some common ground on the Iranian and North Korean nuclear concerns, but tension increases on other issues such as NATO enlargement, Kosovo, and proposed U.S. missile defenses in Eastern Europe.

CUBA: U.S. RESTRICTIONS ON TRAVEL AND REMITTANCES.
Congressional Research Service, RL31139, Library of Congress. Mark P. Sullivan. Web posted August 10, 2008.
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Restrictions on travel to Cuba have been a key in United States efforts to isolate the communist government of Fidel Castro for much of the past 40 years. Over time, there have been numerous changes to the restrictions, and for five years, from 1977 until 1982, there were no restrictions on travel to Cuba. The House Appropriations Committee reported its version of the FY2009 Financial Services and General Government Appropriations bill on June 25, 2008, with provisions that would ease restrictions on family travel. It would allow for such travel once a year, instead of the current restriction of once every three years, to visit aunts, uncles, nieces, nephews, and first cousins in addition to immediate family.

U.S.-JAPAN STRATEGIC DIALOGUE: NEXT GENERATION VIEWS OF THE U.S.-JAPAN ALLIANCE.
Pacific Forum, Center for Strategic and International Studies. August 5, 2008.
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Despite a historic strengthening of the U.S.-Japan security alliance throughout the last decade, new strains are emerging in the relationship. A series of developments has triggered concerns in Tokyo about the U.S. commitment to Japan’s defense. The U.S. readiness to move forward with relations with North Korea, despite a lack of progress in Japan-North Korea relations, has stirred fears of abandonment. For U.S. strategists, the U.S. commitment to Japan remains firmly rooted in common values, interests, and a long and enduring history.

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AA08251
Ross, Dennis MESOPOTAMIAN MUDDLE (National Interest, no. 92, November/December 2007, pp. 30-39)
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Ambassador Dennis Ross, currently at The Washington Institute for Near East Policy, offers his views on American military activities in several areas of the Middle East, including Iraq, Iran, and Israeli-Palestinian issues. In each of these areas, Ross feels the help of Saudi Arabia is critical, as they have a significant role to play in the application of statecraft to the region. In Iraq, statecraft means redefining the American objective as containment to prevent instability there from spreading to the rest of the region. For Iran, it would mean using Iran’s economic vulnerabilities to change Tehran’s behavior on the nuclear issue. The essential objective for American statecraft on Israeli-Palestinian issues should be ensuring that the Palestinian cause remains led by a secular movement and not an Islamist one.

AA08232
Chayes, Antonia HOW AMERICAN TREATY BEHAVIOR THREATENS NATONAL SECURITY (International Security, vol. 33, no. 1, Summer 2008, pp. 45-81)
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Chayes, visiting professor at Tufts University’s Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, asserts that current U.S. treaty behavior is antiquated in an era of globalization and interdependence, and has produced growing concern among both allies and less friendly nations. The U.S. has generated confusion and anger abroad on such fundamental issues as nuclear proliferation, terrorism, human rights, civil liberties, environmental disasters, and commerce. The author emphasizes that such a climate is not conducive to international cooperation in the conduct of foreign and security policy. Among U.S. actions that have caused concern are the failure to ratify several treaties; the attachment of reservations, understandings, and declarations before ratification; the failure to support a treaty regime once ratified; and treaty withdrawal. The author argues that the structural and historical reasons for American treaty behavior are deeply rooted in the U.S. system of government and do not merely reflect superpower arrogance. Nonetheless, the world confronts too many global problems that will take for longer to solve, and probably cannot be solved, without the United States.

AA08214
Coon, Carl TOWARD A HUMANIST FOREIGN POLICY (The Humanist, vol. 68, no. 2, March/April 2008, pp. 21-23)
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The author, former U.S. Ambassador to Nepal, makes the argument that the United States needs to recognize in developing a more effective and practical 21st century foreign policy that it may have to sacrifice some of its national sovereignty to cooperate effectively on global problems with the rest of the world. The United States can not insist on total security for Americans alone, and expect full cooperation from everyone else. Cooperation in international relations requires, as he argues, some sacrifices and some concessions from each of its partners. Any human society that endures has rules that constrain its members in ways that make cooperation possible, Coon notes. "So we prize liberty but fear anarchy. We are all for free choice but insist that everyone should respect the law of the land," Coon says. A world at peace is and should be the primary long-term goal of a well developed foreign policy, he says. In arguing the case for a humanistic foreign policy, Coon sets forward a simple set of principles to guide interstate relations, that abhors violence and seeks fairness and help for those most in need.

AA08215
Cox, Daniel; Duffin, Diane L. COLD WAR, PUBLIC OPINION, AND FOREIGN POLICY SPENDING DECISIONS: DYNAMIC REPRESENTATION BY CONGRESS AND THE PRESIDENT (Congress and the Presidency, vol. 35, no. 1, Spring 2008, pp. 29-54)
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Cox, with Missouri Western State University, and Duffin, with the University of Nebraska, argue that conventional wisdom before the Vietnam War held that public opinion exerted no influence on U.S. foreign policy decisions. Scholars working in Vietnam's aftermath found episodic influence of public opinion on foreign policy, but missing in our understanding were examinations of public opinion's influence on foreign policy. A number of post-Vietnam scholars subsequently revealed a long-term relationship between public opinion and defense spending. This study extends that work by analyzing responsiveness to public opinion in different foreign policy arenas by different government institutions, and by accounting for a critical variable not relevant in most previous studies: the end of the Cold War. They construct a model explaining the influences of public opinion and the Cold War on spending proposals for defense and foreign economic aid by the presidency, the House of Representatives and the Senate. Both public opinion and the end of the Cold War exerted direct influence on defense spending proposals by the presidency, while the Senate and the House respond primarily to public opinion inputs and the partisan composition of the Senate. In the case of foreign economic aid, the Cold War's end gives occasion for increasing spending proposals, contrary to the public's expectation that the end of the Cold War minimized the need for the U.S. to provide foreign economic assistance.

AA08218
Glaser, Bonnie; Liang, Wang NORTH KOREA: THE BEGINNING OF A CHINA-U.S. PARTNERSHIP? (Washington Quarterly, vol. 31, no. 3, Summer 2008, pp. 165-180)
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According to Christopher Hill, assistant secretary of state for East Asian and Pacific affairs, “This whole six-party process has done more to bring the U.S. and China together than any other process I’m aware of.” The authors agree that there is little question that U.S.-China cooperation regarding the North Korean nuclear problem has contributed to an improvement of relations between the two countries. Although there was early agreement that they shared the goal of achieving a denuclearized Korean peninsula through peaceful means, cooperation on this issue was not inevitable. The Americans were focusing on a multilateral approach while the Chinese saw it as a bilateral issue between the U.S. and North Korea. In February 2003, however, then-Secretary of State Colin Powell convinced the Chinese that President Bush was determined to resolve the crisis diplomatically but that this must be done multilaterally. China then began applying pressure and multiparty talks began in April. Several lessons about U.S.-China relations can be learned from the North Korea experience. Cooperation requires a sufficient overlap of interests; Beijing is still reluctant to get involved in international disputes unless they affect it directly. Substantial disagreements remain between China and the United States, especially concerning sanctions; security cooperation is still hindered by suspicions about each other’s long-term intentions.

AA08196
Blank, Stephen THE STRATEGIC IMPORTANCE OF CENTRAL ASIA: AN AMERICAN VIEW (Parameters, vol. 38, no. 1, Spring 2008, pp. 73-87)
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Central Asia's importance in international affairs is continuing to grow, says the author, professor at the U.S. Army War College. U.S. interests in the region derive from the region's proximity to Russia and China, he notes, but the primary strategic U.S. goal is to see the development of independent, democratic and stable states. To achieve those objectives, the U.S. will encourage greater regional security; greater transparency, respect for human rights, and movement toward democratic policy; and the development of Central Asia's economic potential, he says. But he cautions that competition among international powers will shape the future order of the world and impact the development of Central Asian nations. Blank also notes that "one need not engage in far-reaching geopolitical speculation regarding the future of Central Asia to understand it already is a political battleground of growing importance."

AA08197
Chollet, Derek; Lindberg, Tod A MORAL CORE FOR U.S. FOREIGN POLICY (Policy Review, no. 146, December 2007 / January 2008, pp. 3-23)
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In this essay Chollet, with the Center for a New American Security, and Lindberg, with the Hoover Institution, examine the American values of democracy, liberalism, human rights, and rule of law as they have historically been applied to U.S. foreign policy. The authors also explore what American foreign policy would look like if it were stripped of its “values” component. The article concludes with principles for U.S. foreign policy in the future, such as, promoting and defending democracy; standing against the conquest of territory by force; strengthening alliances and institutions; addressing global hardship; and enforcing the “responsibility to protect”.

AA08198
Cordesman, Anthony H. IRAN AND THE UNITED STATES: THE NUCLEAR ISSUE (Middle East Policy, vol. 15, no. 1, Spring 2008, pp. 19-29)
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Any form of dialogue can help prevent misunderstandings and tension, the author says, but a dialogue alone can’t bridge basic fundamental strategic and ideological differences such as those that seem to plague the U.S. and Iran, especially on the nuclear issue. Cordesman, with the Center for Strategic Studies, says the next president will have to create an opening for any new relationship, but notes a new foreign policy team won’t likely be in place until the summer of 2009. He examines the latest National Intelligence Estimate on Iran and says it will probably be four to seven years before Tehran might become a full-fledged nuclear power, leaving time yet to negotiate. But he also notes that the NIE doesn’t mention what Iranian nuclear-weapons efforts Tehran has halted or whether all covert and dual-use programs are included. He also says Iran’s nuclear enrichment efforts will continue to move it closer to weapons deployment “even if key elements of its weapons-design and production activity have been halted or suspended.” Having examined reporting about Iran by the International Atomic Energy Agency, Cordesman says Tehran is still able to pursue serious research and development efforts. The two countries may eventually be able to make some incremental progress in breaching their differences but the key question is whether Tehran and Washington can proceed from dialogue to negotiations. The author suggests that the problem is not one of communication, but serious strategic differences.

AA08194
Bai, Matt THE MCCAIN DOCTRINES (New York Times Magazine, May 18, 2008, pp. 40//70)
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Senator John McCain (R-Arizona) is now the prospective nominee for his party’s presidential nomination. Among the many issues in his party’s platform, he has made Iraq the battle he has chosen to fight, despite criticism from members of the Republican Party that such a stand could hurt him and the party in the November elections. However, in the U.S. Senate, senators are reluctant to impugn one another’s motives or integrity, whatever their disagreements on policy, including strong support or opposition to the Iraqi conflict. Many of McCain’s colleagues who were also Vietnam veterans, like Chuck Hagel (R-Nebraska) and Jim Webb (D-Virginia), suspect that the senator, a former POW in Vietnam, came away from his captivity with little of their disillusionment -- he spent the worst years of the war in a Hanoi prison camp, giving him a different perspective from his fellow ‘in country’ colleagues who believe that some wars simply can’t be won on the battlefield, no matter how many soldiers are sent there to die. Instead, McCain is staking everything on the notion that the American public can be convinced that the Iraq war is winnable and worth the continued sacrifice. Without that national retrenching, the senator admits that this war, like the one in Vietnam, is probably doomed.

AA08188
Mahbubani, Kishore THE CASE AGAINST THE WEST; AMERICA AND EUROPE IN THE ASIAN CENTURY (Foreign Affairs, vol. 87, no. 3, May/June 2008, pp. 111-125)
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Mahbubani, formerly Singapore’s ambassador to the U.N. and currently dean of the Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy at the National University of Singapore, describes the ascendancy of east Asian democracies as an example of how domestic good governance can succeed. Mahbubani is highly critical of Western policies in many areas such as foreign aid, nonproliferation, global warming, international trade and the Middle East, believing them to have long become counterproductive. He suggests that the West’s strangehold on global institutions reveals a reluctance to acknowledge that “the era of its domination is ending and that the Asian century has come.” He contends that the U.S. and Europe will need to adapt a more inclusive world view which reflects the growing political and economic power of Asian countries. "The West needs to acknowledge that sharing power it has accumulated in global forums would serve its interests," writes Mahbubani.

AA08181
Levy, Daniel THE NEXT PRESIDENT AND THE MIDDLE EAST (American Prospect, vol. 19, no. 4, April 2008, pp. 16-19)
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The author, a senior fellow at the New America Foundation and the Century Foundation, notes that at the Israeli-Palestinian Annapolis peace process, launched in November 2007, Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice managed to lead a change in policy within the administration and to renew efforts toward a permanent-status peace deal after a seven-year hiatus. Just before the Annapolis gathering, sixty-six former U.S. senior officials and experts, spearheaded by Brent Scowcroft, Zbigniew Brzezinski, and Lee Hamilton, sent a letter to the president and secretary of state welcoming the new effort and counseling that an "inclusive" process that would involve, even indirectly, and incite political players, such as Syria and Hamas, would be much more likely to succeed than one that excluded them. However, the next administration will inherit a situation that will require more than some presidential goodwill, as that president’s Middle East concerns will include Iraq, Iran, al-Qaeda, Israeli-Palestinian conflict, Pakistan, Afghanistan, relations with China, anti-American sentiments, and global human security.

AA08179
Desch, Michael C. AMERICA'S LIBERAL ILLIBERALISM: THE IDEOLOGICAL ORIGINS OF OVERREACTION IN U.S. FOREIGN POLICY (International Security, Vol. 32, No. 3, Winter 2007, pp. 7-43)
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The author, director of the Scowcroft Institute of International Affairs at the Bush School of Government and Public Service at Texas A&M University, writes that the U.S. has come under fire from critics at home and abroad for its tough tactics in the war against terrorism, and for the invasion of Iraq. Criticism has centered on the doctrine of preventive war, on enhanced surveillance measures to track down terrorists at home, and tough measures used in questioning certain suspects. In this article, the author examines the paradox, pointing out that restraints on domestic liberties have accompanied America's wars against various tyrants in the past. In effect, he argues, the consensus that supports the administration's tough line on terror comes from classic Liberal philosophy itself, stemming from the philosophic doctrine of Immanuel Kant, who believed that only a planet composed of democratic republics would be at peace, and that democracies have the right to force other nations to become democratic. This doctrine, he points out, has repeatedly impelled the American foreign policy establishment to take stern measures against tyranny, even if the measures themselves seemed illiberal. The author points out that the Bush administration is acting in the historic Liberal tradition by demonizing terrorists, and that the war in Iraq has generated little resistance within the establishment, even if many deplore its tactics.

LATVIA: CURRENT ISSUES AND U.S. POLICY.
Congressional Research Service, RS22872, Library of Congress. Steven Woehrel. Web posted May 18, 2008.
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After restoration of its independence in 1991 following decades of Soviet rule, Latvia made rapid strides toward establishing a democratic political system and a dynamic, free market economy. It achieved two major foreign policy goals when it joined NATO and the European Union in 2004. However, relations with Russia remain strained over such issues as the country’s Russian-speaking minority and energy relations. Latvia and the United States have excellent relations. Latvia has deployed troops to Iraq and Afghanistan, and plays a significant role in efforts to encourage democracy and a pro-Western orientation among post-Soviet countries.

AA08154
AFTER BUSH (Economist, vol. 386, no. 8573, March 29, 2008, pp. 3-16)
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In this special report on America and the world, The Economist notes that America's foreign policy may change under the next president, but confusion over Iraq, worries about overstretch and divisions over the country's role in the world will remain. When it comes to foreign policy, there really are two Americas; the divisions are at their sharpest over Iraq, but they extend much further. Among the contentious issues: whether America should put the war on terrorism at the heart of its foreign policy or treat it as just one concern among many, or whether the U.S. should conduct military action against Iran or allow Iran to obtain nuclear weapons. The authors note that these divisions are the legacy of a president who came into office promising anything but a bold foreign policy. The report includes sections on the status of the Bush doctrine on global involvements, the Democratic surge as they will try to change U.S. foreign policy, the focus on international terrorism, the improvement of its global image, and the future of foreign policy now that the uncertainties of the Cold War have gone.

AA08161
Zakaria, Fareed THE FUTURE OF AMERICAN POWER: HOW AMERICA CAN SURVIVE THE RISE OF THE REST (Foreign Affairs, Vol. 87, No. 3, May-June 2008, pp. 18-43)
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According to Zakaria, editor of Newsweek International, the era of American dominance is over, but an era when America can still lead is possible. The U.S. need not become bankrupt as Great Britain, the former superpower, did a century earlier. The United States, in fact, can remain economically potent for decades to come, especially if it remains attractive to talented immigrants. The country has become politically dysfunctional, however. Bitter partisanship has prevented politicians in the middle from making the compromises needed to fix Social Security, Medicare, the tax system, subsidies, immigration policy and other national problems. Meanwhile, most of the rest of the world is challenging U.S. industrial, financial, social, and cultural power. Whether the United States can fix its political system in order to keep its economy and society competitive is unclear.

NEGOTIATING WITH HOSTILE STATES.
Robert McMahon, Council on Foreign Relations, June 2, 2008
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Deciding whether or how to engage with the leaders of hostile states has been a matter of debate among U.S. policymakers for decades. This debate rages continually in the foreign policy community, and during presidential election years like 2008, it has often burst into the open.

TIBET: PROBLEMS, PROSPECTS, AND U.S. POLICY [RL34445]
Kerry Dumbaugh, Congressional Research Service, Library of Congress. April 10, 2008
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This report consists of three free-standing parts: the first discusses current issues in Tibet, including the March 2008 Chinese crackdown against demonstrations in Lhasa and elsewhere; the second briefly reviews Tibet’s historical and political status with respect to China — a basic source of controversy in many Sino-Tibetan problems; and the third reviews and analyzes U.S. relations with and congressional actions toward Tibet since the 1980s, including legislative initiatives.

AA08141
Haass, Richard N. THE AGE OF NONPOLARITY: WHAT WILL FOLLOW U.S. DOMINANCE? (Foreign Affairs, vol. 87, no. 3, May/June 2008, pp. 44-56)
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The age of hegemony is over, says Haass, president of the Council on Foreign Relations. The defining characteristic of today’s international system is not unipolarity or multipolarity, but rather “nonpolarity” -– dozens of state and non-state actors possessing various types of power. Traditional military and economic powerhouses are joined by regionally strong states, global and regional international organizations, multinational corporations, global media outlets, and transnational actors both beneficial (such as charitable foundations and religious institutions) and dangerous (terrorists and drug cartels). “America no longer has the luxury of a ‘with-us-or-against-us’ foreign policy,” says the author, arguing that multilateralism will be key to future U.S. success as it addresses its energy consumption, continues to build strong international security partnerships against terrorism and nuclear proliferation, confronts poverty and disease, and strengths the global economy in the name of promoting stability.

AA08123
Hitchens, Christopher DEAR MR. PRESIDENT (World Affairs, vol. 170, no. 3, Winter 2008, pp. 9-14)
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Perennial gadfly Christopher Hitchens takes aim at the White House, urging a “Nixon-in-China” movement toward improving relations with Iran. Many Iranians have relatives abroad, are connected to the outside world despite government censorship, are frustrated with their government, and are open to improving relations. The author proposes building upon U.S. aid to Iran following the 2003 Bam earthquake to a public offer to help seismically vulnerable Iran secure key infrastructure, something its own regime ignores. The U.S. has eliminated external threats in Iraq and Afghanistan, and now should encourage Iranians to bring about things they already want – better governance and improved relations with the outside world.

THE NEW MIDDLE EAST.
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. Marina Ottoway, et. al. Web posted April 8, 2008.
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According to this report, confrontational U.S. policy that tried to create a “New Middle East,” but ignored the realities of the region has instead exacerbated existing conflicts and created new problems. The report argues that, in order to restore its credibility and promote positive transformation, the United States needs to abandon the illusion that it can reshape the region to suit its interests.

[Note: Contains copyrighted material.]

TIBET: PROBLEMS, PROSPECTS, AND U.S. POLICY.
Congressional Research Service, RL34445, Library of Congress. Kerry Dumbaugh. April 10, 2008.
Full Text [pdf format, 28 pages]

A series of initially peaceful demonstrations in Lhasa and other Tibetan cities, whose purpose was to mark the 49th anniversary of an unsuccessful Tibetan uprising against Chinese rule in 1959, eventually turned into riots. The Chinese government responded by sealing off Tibet and moving in large-scale security forces. Beijing has defended its actions as appropriate and necessary to restore civil order and prevent further violence but the actions have resulted in calls for boycotts of the Beijing Olympics opening ceremony on August 8, 2008. This report examines the issues and what they mean for future American policy in the region.

AA08102
Steinberg, James B. REAL LEADERS DO SOFT POWER: LEARNING THE LESSONS OF IRAQ (Washington Quarterly, vol. 31, no. 2, Spring 2008, pp. 155-164)
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The author, dean of the Lyndon B. Johnson School of Public Affairs and deputy national security adviser from 1996 to 2001, presents a call for the U.S. to “return to the strategies of leadership that brought it unprecedented power and security in the first place.” Recent foreign relations strategy has failed because it misjudged the nature of the enemy and of the threat; it failed to understand the central importance of allied support, and it undermined the position of the U.S. in the world by “calling into question the legitimacy of U.S. leadership.” In spite of these criticisms, “there is much to be said for the aspirations of the Bush policy” -- Americans need to focus on the danger of terrorists with nuclear weapons; we would be safer if more governments were open and accountable, with respect for the rule of law. Additionally, international organizations need reform to face the challenges of globalization. It is important that the U.S. not overcompensate for these past mistakes by forsaking its leadership role. It must stop “playing into al Qaida’s narrative” by using terms such as “Islamic fascism”, be more willing to take into account the views of others, and “take seriously the need to reform international organizations rather than disparage or ignore them.”

TOWARDS A NEW RUSSIA POLICY.
Strategic Studies Institute of the U.S. Army War College. Stephen J. Blank. Web posted March 4, 2008.
Full Text [pdf format, 146 pages]

It is obvious that U.S.-Russian relations and East-West relations more broadly have recently deteriorated. This report analyzes some of the key strategic issues at stake in this relationship and traces the decline to Russian factors which have been overlooked or neglected. At the same time, it addresses some of the shortcomings of U.S. policy and recommends a way out of the growing impasse confronting both sides.

[Note: Contains copyrighted material.]

OPERATION IRAQI FREEDOM: STRATEGIES, APPROACHES, RESULTS, AND ISSUES FOR CONGRESS.
Congressional Research Service, RL34387, Library of Congress. Catharine Marie Dale. Web posted February 29, 2008.
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Operation Iraqi Freedom (OIF) was launched on March 20, 2003. The immediate goal was to remove the regime, including destroying its ability to use or disseminate weapons of mass destruction. The broad, longer-term objective is now more open-ended; to help an emerging new Iraqi leadership improve security, establish a system of governance, and foster economic development. This report considers various options for the U.S. government.

CHINA IN OCEANIA: NEW FORCES IN PACIFIC POLITICS.
East-West Center, Pacific Islands Policy Paper #2. Terence Wesley-Smith. 2007.
Full Text [pdf format, 48 pages]

This policy paper explores strategic, political, and economic dimensions of Beijing's heightened interest in Oceania. The author notes that China's primary objective is to gain the support of island states, particularly to isolate Taiwan, and that it has a growing interest in the natural resources of the region.

[Note: Contains copyrighted material.]

MAPPING CHANGE IN THE ASIA-PACIFIC REGION: GEOPOLITICS, ECONOMICS, AND DIPLOMACY.
East-West Center, Senior Policy Seminar. Publication date, 2008.
Full Text [pdf format, 40 pages]

The 2007 Senior Policy Seminar focused on a retrospective on the ongoing “tectonic shifts” in various dimensions of power within the Asia-Pacific region. The three subareas were strategic/geopolitical power, economic power, and the more recently articulated concept of “soft power.”

[Note: Contains copyrighted material.]

POLAND'S NEW GOVERNMENT: BACKGROUND AND ISSUES FOR THE UNITED STATES.
Congressional Research Service, RS22811, Library of Congress. Carl Eck. February 15, 2008.
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Poland held parliamentary elections on October 21, 2007, two years before the next elections were scheduled. The vote and results were seen by many as a referendum on the governing style and policies of the then-ruling Law and Justice party. Poland’s relations with neighboring states and the European Union are expected to improve, but ties with the United States may become more complicated. This report may be updated as events warrant.

THE WEST MUST BACK FULL INDEPENDENCE FOR KOSOVO.
Heritage Foundation WebMemo #1818. Nile Gardiner, et. al. February 15, 2008.
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It is important at this highly volatile time that the West remains united in fully supporting Kosovo's efforts to gain complete independence from Serbia. The Western powers must stand up to any threats coming from Belgrade and Moscow and support full membership for Kosovo in the United Nations as a sovereign state.

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THE ROAD OUT OF GAZA.
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. Nathan J. Brown. February 20, 2008.
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This report argues that the Middle East peace process will fail unless Palestinian political institutions are rebuilt. The author discusses the economic and political disarray not only in Gaza and the West Bank but within Hamas and Fatah as well, and argues that the international efforts to rebuild Palestine are in reality counterproductive.

[Note: Contains copyrighted material.]

SERBIA: CURRENT ISSUES AND U.S. POLICY.
Congressional Research Service, RS22601. Stephen Woehrel. February 7, 2008
Full Text [pdf format, 6 pages]

Serbia currently is seeking integration into the European Union but is stymied by its failure to arrest four indicted war criminals. Its leadership is divided on whether to seek admission to NATO. Kosovo remains a thorny issue as well. This report examines the current status and problems of Serbia.

AA08074
Gasiorowski, Mark THE NEW AGGRESSIVENESS IN IRAN'S FOREIGN POLICY (Middle East Policy, vol. 14, no. 2, Summer 2007, pp. 125-132)
Full text available from your nearest American Library

Gasiorowski, professor at Louisiana State University, explores appropriate American responses to the new aggressive foreign policy displayed by Iran in the areas of its nuclear program as well as Iraq. Causes of the aggressiveness in Iran’s foreign policy are attributed to recent changes inside Iran and its foreign policy environment. Constraints inside the country serve to limit Iran’s foreign policy aggressiveness. These constraints include limited capabilities of Iranian armed forces and popular discontent and resentment due to economic conditions, international isolation and cultural restrictions.

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Kupchan, Charles THE TRANSATLANTIC TURNAROUND (Current History, vol. 107, no.707, March 2008 pp. 139-141)
Full text available from your nearest American Library

The author, professor of international affairs at Georgetown University and a senior fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations, notes that relations between the United States and Europe hit rock bottom after the 2003 invasion of Iraq, raising the prospect of an irreparable transatlantic rift. Kupchan writes that, although the war won support from some European governments, it was staunchly opposed by many of the continent’s citizens. The author predicts “an ebullient transatlantic reunion will be in store for January 2009, but that’s when the hard realities of transatlantic cooperation might set in”. Kupchan believes that both the U.S. and Europe realize that they need each other for the foreseeable future, but that “the sobering news is that transforming this recognition into concrete partnership will remain difficult, no matter who holds power on the two sides of the Atlantic”.

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Troy, Jodok THE CATHOLIC CHURCH (Georgetown Journal of International Affairs, vol. 9, no. 1, Winter/Spring 2008, pp. 65-73)
Full text available from your nearest American Library

The author, a research assistant at the University of Innsbruck, believes that the Catholic Church, as one of the oldest political actors in the international system, lends its stabilizing capabilities to become once more an “ethical reservoir” and peacemaker in an age of a declared and believed “clash of civilizations.” This is partly because Catholicism itself is a more integrative and stabilizing force in international relations because it has no revolutionary tendency. During the Cold War period but especially since the Second Vatican Council, which ended in 1965, the Church has evolved from a promoter of the status quo to an active liberation force. Its position has shifted from a de facto alliance with the West to a position of non-alignment that it continues to maintain today. The current pope, Benedict XVI, focuses his policies on social and ethical issues that reflect the more complex world that exists today.

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Nasr, Valia; Takeyh, Ray THE COSTS OF CONTAINING IRAN: WASHINGTON'S MISGUIDED NEW MIDDLE EAST POLICY (Foreign Affairs, Vol. 87, No. 1, January-February 2008)
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Containing Iran is a Cold War fantasy doomed to fail, according to Nasr, professor of international politics at the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy and adjunct senior fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations, and Takeyh, a senior fellow at the council. They say Iran could pose threats to U.S., Arab, or Israeli interests. "But envisioning that a grand U.S.-Arab-Israeli alliance can contain Iran will sink Afghanistan, Iraq, and Lebanon into greater chaos; inflame Islamic radicalism; and commit the United States to a lengthy and costly presence in the Middle East," they say. Iran is not a messianic power aiming to spread Islamic militancy, but rather an ambitious rising state seeking to assert influence in its region. The U.S. should aim to integrate Iran into the region in a way that all relevant powers have a stake in preserving regional stability.

U.S.-VIETNAM RELATIONS: BACKGROUND AND ISSUES FOR CONGRESS.
Mark E. Manyin. Congressional Research Service (CRS), Library of Congress. Updated January 3, 2008.
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After North Vietnam’s victory over South Vietnam in 1975, U.S.-Vietnamese relations remained frozen until the mid-1990s. Since then, strategic and economic interests have pushed improved relations across a broad spectrum of issues.

Vietnam wishes to upgrade its relations with the U.S. due to its concerns of China’s expanding influence in the region. However, many U.S. experts argue that Hanoi wants to balance Beijing’s rising power with better U.S. relations even though Vietnam “remains suspicious that the long-term U.S. goal is to end the Vietnamese communist party’s monopoly on power . . .”

This report discusses these issues.

JORDANIAN NATIONAL SECURITY AND THE FUTURE OF MIDDLE EAST STABILITY.
W. Andrew Terrill. Strategic Studies Institute, U.S. Army War College. Web posted December 28, 2007.
Full Text [pdf format, 107 pages]

This study looks at the mutually-supportive relationship between the U.S. and Jordan. It highlights Jordon’s value as a U.S. ally and considers ways this alliance might help contain and minimize problems in the region. The author also notes the importance of Jordanian political reform while pointing out the threats against Jordon such as terrorist activity, sectarian warfare, and the possibility of a Palestinian civil war between Hamas and Fatah.

CHINA/TAIWAN: EVOLUTION OF THE “ONE CHINA” POLICY—KEY STATEMENTS FROM WASHINGTON, BEIJING, AND TAIPEI.
Shirley A. Kan. Congressional Research Service (CRS), Library of Congress. Updated December 13, 2007.
Full Text [pdf format, 91 pages]

Despite consistent policy statements, the “one China” policy concerning Taiwan remains ambiguous. Additionally, concerns have been raised whether U.S. presidents have clearly stated the “one China” position. Part I of this report discusses the “one China” policy since 1971; and Part II documents the evolution of this policy and how it has been affected by legislation.

EGYPT: BACKGROUND AND U.S. RELATIONS. Jeremy M. Sharp.
Congressional Research Service (CRS), Library of Congress. Updated December 12, 2007.
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“This report provides an overview of Egyptian politics and current issues in U.S.-Egyptian relations. It briefly provides a political history of modern Egypt, an overview of its political institutions, and a discussion of the prospects for democratization in Egypt.”

This report will be updated.

INTEGRATING 21ST CENTURY DEVELOPMENT AND SECURITY ASSISTANCE: FINAL REPORT.
Task Force on Non-Traditional Security Assistance, Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS). Web posted December 12, 2007.
Full Text [pdf format, 61 pages]

The Task Force on Non-Traditional Security Assistance was charged with:

• Identifying the drivers behind the Department of Defense’s (DOD) development assistance functions;
• Assessing the Pentagon performance in these non-traditional areas;
• Examining what is occurring in the diplomatic and development spheres;
• Evaluating the implications of DOD’s enlarged national security role, foreign policy, and development objectives; and
• Offering concrete recommendations for a balanced and sustainable division of responsibilities between the Pentagon and civilian agencies.

This report summarizes the Task Force’s findings and recommendations.

[Note: Contains copyrighted material.]

KEEPING AN EYE ON AN UNRULY NEIGHBOR: CHINESE VIEWS OF ECONOMIC REFORM AND STABILITY IN NORTH KOREA.
Bonnie Glaser, Scott Snyder, and John S. Park. Joint Working Paper, Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) and U.S. Institute of Peace (USIP). November 22, 2007.
Full Text [pdf format, 28 pages]

“This report is based on discussions with Chinese specialists on the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) during a CSIS-USIP delegation visit” in June 2007. “Topics discussed included trends in North Korea’s economy and prospects for reform; current trends in Sino-DPRK economic relations; China’s policy toward North Korea in the wake of the nuclear test; Chinese debates on North Korea; Chinese assessments of North Korea’s political stability; and potential Chinese responses to instability.”

[Note: Contains copyrighted material.]

CLIMATE CHANGE AND NATIONAL SECURITY: AN AGENDA FOR ACTION.
Joshua W. Busby. Council Special Report, Council on Foreign Relations (CFR). Web posted November 30, 2007.
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Climate change poses a threat to the security and prosperity of the U.S. and other countries. These threats include the effects of storms, droughts, and floods as well as the possibility of humanitarian disasters, political violence, and undermining weak governments. This paper offers “feasible and affordable policy options” to reduce the predictable effects of climate change.

[Note: Contains copyrighted material.]

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Ikenberry, G. John THE RISE OF CHINA AND THE FUTURE OF THE WEST (Foreign Affairs, Vol. 87, No. 1, January-February 2008)
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China appears poised to overtake the United States as a world power, but the transition need not be a bloody one, according to Ikenberry, professor of politics and international affairs at Princeton University. China will face not a single power but the entire Western order of democratic capitalist states. That order, built around rules and market openness, creates the conditions for China and other rising powers to gain status and play a role in global governance. "The road to global power, in effect, runs through the Western order and its multilateral economic institutions," Ikenberry says. The coming power shift can occur peacefully and on terms favorable to the United States, but only by the United States reinforcing the Western order's system of global governance, first by reestablishing itself as its foremost supporter.

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Richardson, Bill A NEW REALISM: CRAFTING A US FOREIGN POLICY FOR A NEW CENTURY (Harvard International Review, vol. 29, no. 2, Summer 2007, pp. 26-30)
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American foreign policy makers face many new challenges in the 21st century. Problems that were once national have now gone global. The author believes that that the U.S. must create a foreign policy that is uniquely adapted to the world of global challenges. America remains vulnerable to terrorism as we fight new security challenges with old-fashioned, military methods. Richardson, governor of New Mexico and former U.S. Representative to the United Nations, identifies six trends that are transforming the world, including fanatical jihadism, illegal weapons trade, rise of Asian and Russian powers, and the growth of globalization in economic, health, environmental and social terms.

AMERICAN ATTITUDES TOWARDS ISRAEL, THE PALESTINIANS AND PROSPECTS FOR PEACE IN THE MIDDLE EAST: AN ANTI-DEFAMATION LEAGUE SURVEY. Marttila Communications Group, Anti-Defamation League. October 19, 2007.
Full Text [pdf format, 19 pages]

The League conducted a national telephone survey of 2,000 registered voters and found that (1) Israel is held in high regard by the American people; (2) Americans remain more sympathetic to Israel than the Palestinians; (3) a clear majority believe we should continue to support Israel; and (4) Americans think the prospects for peace in the Middle East have worsened since 2005.

CSIS COMMISSION ON SMART POWER: A SMARTER, MORE SECURE AMERICA. Commission on Smart Power, Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS). Web posted November 6, 2007.
Full Text [pdf format, 82 pages]

“America’s image and influence are in decline around the world. To maintain a leading role in global affairs, the United States must move from eliciting fear and anger to inspiring optimism and hope.” This bipartisan Commission was charged with developing a guide for America’s global engagement. This report outlines the Commission’s findings and recommendations.

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Kupchan, Charles; Trubowitz, Peter DEAD CENTER: THE DEMISE OF LIBERAL INTERNATIONALISM IN THE UNITED STATES (International Security, Vol. 32, No. 2, Fall 2007 pp. 7-44)
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This article discusses whether the Bush administration's unilateralist approach to foreign policy is an aberration, or a sign of things to come. The authors argue that the liberal internationalist impulse of U.S. foreign policy that began in the 1940s is on the wane; liberal internationalism resulted from the threats of Nazism, Japanese imperialism, and Soviet expansion -- threats that made it desirable for Democrats and Republicans to find common ground in foreign affairs. However, they note, the collapse of the Soviet Union deprived the United States of its most formidable challenge -- terrorism notwithstanding -- and has reduced the incentive for American elites to cooperate with one another and to seek both force projection and international coalition-building. In addition, the United States has become more politically fragmented, with a more conservative Midwest and South and more liberal coastal areas. Thus, there is a danger that in the future U.S. foreign policy will alternate between extreme hawkishness or dovishness. In search of a reasonable center, the authors argue for moderate power projection through ad-hoc coalitions designed to address specific crises.

A STEEP HILL: CONGRESS AND U.S. EFFORTS TO STRENGTHEN FRAGILE STATES. Derek Chollet, Mark Irvine, and Bradley Larson. Post-Conflict Reconstruction Project, Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS). Web posted October 19, 2007.
Full Text [pdf format, 104 pages]

Rebuilding states is important to the U.S. for international security reasons. Congress must play an active role in U.S.-led stabilization and reconstruction projects. However, congressional members are “ambivalent about their role in foreign policy. . .” because many believe that support for stabilization and reconstruction operations can make them politically vulnerable.

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Maier, Charles S. DARK POWER: GLOBALIZATION, INEQUALITY, AND CONFLICT (Harvard International Review, vol. 29, no. 1, Spring 2007, pp. 60-65)
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Harvard University history professor Charles Maier examines sources of power in this article. He argues that the notion of power as possessed by nation-states is evaporating, and that we can no longer analyze international relations based upon a balance of power. Although the U.S. now holds the majority of military power, these resources clearly have limits. International institutions, such as the United Nations and the International Court of Justice, should not be viewed as constraints on American power, but as facilitators of U.S. influence

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THE TERRORISM INDEX (Foreign Policy, no. 162, September-October 2007, pp. 60-68)
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Foreign Policy magazine and the Center for American Progress conducted its third in a series of surveys of over 100 former U.S. government officials, retired military and intelligence officers, as well as distinguished foreign policy academics, who reported increasing trepidation about national security and America’s place in the world. FP magazine reports that they “see a world that is growing more dangerous, a national security strategy in disrepair, and a war in Iraq that is alarmingly off course." Fully 91 percent say the world is becoming more dangerous for Americans; 84 percent do not believe the U.S. is winning the war on terror; only 6 percent believe that U.S. is winning the war on terrorism; and over 80 percent expect a terrorist attack on the scale of 9/11 within a decade. Nearly every foreign policy initiative of the U.S. government -- from domestic surveillance activities, renditions of terrorist suspects, and detention at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba, to U.S. energy policies and efforts in the Middle East peace process -- was sharply criticized by the experts. Above all, 92 percent agreed that the war in Iraq harms U.S. national security; over half disagree with the surge of additional troops; and a bipartisan 68 percent majority would support draw-down and redeployment of U.S. forces out of Iraq.

LATIN AMERICA’S NEW SECURITY REALITY: IRREGULAR ASYMMETRIC CONFLICT AND HUGO CHAVEZ. Max G. Manwaring. Strategic Studies Institute, U.S. Army War College. Web posted August 24, 2007.
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Since his election in 1998, Hugh Chavez has encouraged Latin American followers to pursue a confrontational, defensive, populist, and nationalistic agenda against the U.S. His rhetoric is the “traditional and universal Leninist-Maoist function of providing a strategic vision and the operational plan for gaining revolutionary power.” Historically, the U.S. has never won this ideological “type of war.” The author argues that the U.S. must develop a unified political-military strategy to confront Chavez.

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Baker, James A. III THE BIG TEN: THE CASE FOR PRAGMATIC IDEALISM (National Interest, no. 91, September/October 2007, pp. 14-19)
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Baker, former Secretary of the Treasury and of State, and co-chair of the Iraq Study Group, outlines ten guiding principles which he believes will “offer our surest guide and best hope for navigating our great country safely though this precarious period of unparalleled opportunity and risk in world affairs.” While asserting that the U.S. will remain the dominant global power for some time, he warns that its power must be used carefully, that “spreading it too thinly can lead to disaster,” and offers the following maxims to guide policymakers: 1) The United States must be comfortable using its power. 2) We must remember that even U.S. power is limited. 3) Be prepared to act unilaterally when the situation demands it. 4) Appreciate the importance of allies. 5) Use all possible means to achieve the objectives. 6) Be prepared to change direction if warranted. 7) Understand that the United States will sometimes have to deal with authoritarian regimes. 8) We must be prepared to talk with our enemies. 9) Values are important, but they are not the only thing that should guide our policy. 10) Domestic support is vital to any successful foreign policy.

U.S.-CHINA RELATIONS AFTER RESOLUTION OF TAIWAN'S STATUS. Roger Cliff and David A. Shlapak. RAND Project Air Force, RAND Corporation. July 2007.
Full Text [pdf format, 40 pages]

“Although the question of Taiwan’s status is unlikely to be resolved soon, considering the various possible outcomes and how they might affect U.S.-China relations is useful. A total of ten distinct trajectories for the resolution of the cross-strait relationship can be identified, with greatly varying implications for U.S.-China relations. Unsurprisingly, the impact of peaceful outcomes, including continued peaceful irresolution [sic], is both more predictable and generally better for relations between Washington and Beijing.” 

IMPROVING U.S. AND SYRIAN RELATIONS: SOME POSSIBLE BEGINNINGS. Anthony H. Cordesman. Center for Strategic and International Studies. Web posted July 19, 2007.
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“There are many areas where the U.S. and Syria do have common interests and might be able to move forward without some kind of formal improvement in relations. It is not necessary to have ‘breakthroughs’ to make progress or to wait on the next Administration. In fact, waiting nearly two years for a new Administration to fully take office is in neither nation’s interest. There is too much instability in the region; there are too many areas where leaving things unintended can only make things worse.”

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Kupchan, Charles; Trubowitz, Peter. GRAND STRATEGY FOR A DIVIDED AMERICA (Foreign Affairs, Vol. 86, No. 4, July-August 2007, pp. 71-84)
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Kupchan, of Georgetown University, and Trubowitz, of the University of Texas, argue that the bipartisan consensus on foreign affairs during World War II and the Cold War was a departure from the divisions far more typical in U.S. history. With the Iraq war, the consensus has disappeared again, exposing the U.S. to the dangers of an incoherent foreign policy. Congressional Republicans mostly prefer pursuing U.S. influence in the world by military might; Democrats prefer multilateral persuasion. Continued partisanship threatens failed leadership abroad and possibly a return to isolationism. "The United States needs to pursue a new grand strategy that is politically solvent," the authors write. "In today's polarized landscape ... restoring solvency means bringing U.S. commitments back in line with political means." The authors make some recommendations: sharing more foreign burdens with other countries, targeting terrorists rather than seeking regime change, rebuilding the spent U.S. military, restraining adversaries through engagement, becoming less dependent of foreign oil, and building new pragmatic partnerships for specific international problems.

RUSSIA’S WRONG DIRECTION: WHAT THE UNITED STATES CAN AND SHOULD DO: REPORT OF AN INDEPENDENT TASK FORCE. Independent Task Force, Council on Foreign Relations. Web posted July 5, 2007.
Full Text [pdf format, 104 pages]

For the past fifteen years, the U.S. has had good relations with the Soviet Union; but in recent years, Russian society and its foreign policy have changed raising questions and concerns for the U.S. The Task Force was set up in 2005 to examine these developments and assess the U.S.-Russian relationship. The report offers a broad strategy and makes recommendations for policymakers.

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Romney, Mitt. RISING TO A NEW GENERATION OF GLOBAL CHALLENGES (Foreign Affairs, vol. 86, no. 4, July/August 2007, pp. 17-32)
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A leading Republican frontrunner for the 2008 presidential race, Mitt Romney outlines his foreign policy vision by invoking the sacrifices needed to win the Second World War and the tenacity and resolve needed to prevail in the Cold War, facets of America’s character needed now more than ever as it faces the threat of global terrorism. If elected, Romney would build U.S. military and economic strength by adding 100,000 more active duty forces and spending a minimum of 4 percent of GDP to rebuild the defense establishment while maintaining a strong domestic economy through lower taxes and smaller government. Romney would renew efforts to achieve energy independence through technology investments and increased domestic exploration. U.S. diplomacy would face a makeover similar to the military’s Goldwater-Nichols reforms to improve performance by creating civilian “joint commands” to promote peace, security, and freedom worldwide. Finally, Romney advocates strengthening old alliances, such as NATO as a force to confront terrorism, and building new partnerships, such as those providing opportunity and prosperity through free trade.

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Obama, Barak. RENEWING AMERICAN LEADERSHIP (Foreign Affairs, vol. 86, no. 4, July/August 2007, pp. 2-16)
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Among the frontrunners for the 2008 Democratic presidential nomination, Barak Obama summons the spirits of Roosevelt, Truman, and Kennedy in an essay outlining his vision of U.S. foreign policy that leads “by deed and example.” In the Middle East, Obama calls for a phased withdrawal from Iraq leaving only a residual training and counterterrorism presence, increased multilateral pressure on Iran, and a renewed personal engagement in Israeli-Palestinian negotiations. Calling nuclear proliferation “the most urgent threat to the security of American and the world,” Obama pledges negotiations on a verifiable global ban on new nuclear weapons material and $50 million to start an IAEA-controlled nuclear fuel bank so that countries can realize the benefits of its emissions-free energy without gaining the technologies needed to produce nuclear weapons. On terrorism, Obama calls for a refocusing on the Afghan-Pakistan border region, and a need for a deeper understanding of the causal factors of extremism to better “export opportunity,” as part of a larger U.S. effort to rebuild neglected global alliances and partnerships needed to confront a host of 21st-century transnational threats.

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Gat, Azar. THE RETURN OF AUTHORITARIAN GREAT POWERS (Foreign Affairs, vol. 86, no. 4, July/August 2007, pp. 59-69)
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The author moves past the current threat of radical Islamism to discuss what he considers a more serious long-term challenge -– the rise of “authoritarian capitalist” states, typified by contemporary Russia and China. This “second world” shows its strength in marshalling resources for development that could tempt nations away from pursuing a longer-term and more moderate course of liberal democracy in favor of seemingly quicker gains. While it remains to be seen if continued economic progress in these countries will eventually precipitate greater demand for political freedoms, the author predicts that “the U.S. factor” remains a powerful political, economic, and social example to tempt too many aspiring reforms away from the path of liberal democracy.

A DIPLOMATIC OFFENSIVE FOR IRAQ. Carlos Pascual and Larry Diamond. Policy Brief, Brookings Institution. Web posted June 25, 2007.
Full Text [pdf format, 5 pages]

According to the Iraq Study Group, U.S. Iraqi policy must address both diplomatic and military strategies to obtain a sustainable peace. Historically, civil wars characterized by insurgency and guerilla fighting require peace settlements of some type. U.S. troops must provide security to create an environment where a peace agreement can be negotiated. “This mediation should be an intensive and well-coordinated joint effort of the United States, the United Nations, and the European Union.” 

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Twining, Daniel. AMERICA’S GRAND DESIGN IN ASIA (Washington Quarterly, vol. 30, no. 3, Summer 2007, pp. 79-94)
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The author, the Fulbright/Oxford scholar at Oxford University and a transatlantic fellow of the German Marshall Fund of the United States, believes that U.S. policymakers are employing a radically different strategy in Asia to facilitate the ascent of friendly Asian centers of power that will both constrain, not contain, China and allow the U.S. to retain its position as Asia's decisive strategic actor. The U.S. is actively cultivating Japan as a center of power and to reshape Southeast Asian security by constructing new partnerships; however, Indonesia and Vietnam may prove more important to the U.S. than Thailand and the Philippines. In 2005, the U.S. announced an historic effort to facilitate India’s rise as an independent power.

RUSSIAN POLITICAL, ECONOMIC, AND SECURITY ISSUES AND U.S. INTERESTS. Stuart D. Goldman. Congressional Research Service (CRS), Library of Congress. Updated May 31, 2007.
Full Text [pdf format, 24 pages]

Vladimir Putin won reelection in March 2004 with 71% of the vote. The pro-Putin Unified Russia party controls more than two-thirds of the seats in the Duma. Reviving the economy and strengthening the state remain Putin’s priorities. He has also brought TV and radio under tight control, eliminated political opposition, and suppressed resistance in Chechnya. Russian foreign policy has become more assertive although the U.S. and Russia did find common ground on the Iranian and North Korean nuclear programs. 

Since the Soviet Union’s collapse, the U.S. has supplied over $14 billion to encourage democracy and market reform, support humanitarian aid, and reduce weapons of mass destruction. However, the U.S. imposed economic sanctions on Russia for exporting nuclear and military technology and equipment to Iran and Syria. This report will be update regularly.

RUSSIA’S STRATEGIC CHOICES. Dmitri Trenin. Policy Brief, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. May 2007.
Full text [pdf format, 8 pages]

“Russia’s recent foreign policy has taken on a combative tone and adopted a revisionist content. Moscow today speaks its mind publicly and freely, and makes clear it no longer wants to be bound by accords concluded when Russia was weak.” However, it has yet to present a positive international agenda. Russia still faces a number of foreign policy choices. “In dealing with Russia at this stage, the West needs to reach beyond the binary formula of integration or isolation and focus instead on the national interests.”

GUIDELINES FOR APPROACHING IRAN. Karim Sadjadpour. Middle East Program, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. June 2007.
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Effective foreign policy toward Iran has been “elusive for successive U.S. and European administrations.” The U.S. has attempted to change Iran’s behavior through political and economic coercion, while Europeans have used political and economic incentives. However, the May 29 talks between the U.S. and Iran appear promising. “Given that Iran is integral to several issues of critical importance to U.S. and EU foreign policy—namely Iraq, nonproliferation, energy security, terrorism, and Arab-Israeli peace—ignoring Iran is not an option . . .” 

This paper discusses some of the realities and difficulties of this engagement.

VENEZUELA: POLITICAL CONDITIONS AND U.S. POLICY. Mark P. Sullivan and Nelson Olhero. Congressional Research Service (CRS), Library of Congress. Updated June 8, 2007.
Full Text [pdf format, 46 pages]

Under President Hugh Chávez, Venezuela has gone through enormous changes such as a new constitution, a unicameral legislature, and even a new name. In the past, the U.S. has had a close relationship with Venezuela (the fourth major supplier of foreign oil to the U.S.), but U.S. officials are concerned about Chávez’s arms purchases, his relations with Cuba and Iran, and his efforts to export populism to other Latin American countries. Additionally, the U.S. and some human rights organizations are concerned about the deterioration of democratic institutions and threats to freedom in Venezuela. 

Congress has also expressed concerns about human rights and political conditions in Venezuela. This report provides an overview of legislation that has been introduced in the 110th Congress concerning the status of our bilateral relations with Venezuela.

CUBA: U.S. RESTRICTIONS ON TRAVEL AND REMITTANCES. Mark P. Sullivan. Congressional Research Service (CRS), Library of Congress. Updated May 3, 2007.
Full Text [pdf format, 30 pages]

For the past 40 years, travel restrictions to Cuba have tried to isolate the communist government of Fidel Castro. The current Administration has tightened restrictions on education exchanges and remittances to the remitter’s immediate family. The 110th Congress has introduced several measures to ease these restrictions. This report provides an overview of these bills.

CONFIDENCE IN U.S. FOREIGN POLICY INDEX: ANXIOUS PUBLIC PULLING BACK FROM USE OF FORCE. Scott Bittle and Jonathan Rochkind. Volume 4, Public Agenda. Web posted May 24, 2007.
Full Text [pdf format, 35 pages]

The American public is very anxious about our place in the world. The Public Agenda’s Anxiety Indicator increased seven points in the past six months. The public is also disenchanted about the use of the military and would prefer diplomatic options in international affairs especially when it comes to nuclear weapons. The authors believe that the public’s anxiety and frustration over Iraq is the driving force behind U.S. policy concerns.

ISRAELI-ARAB NEGOTIATIONS: BACKGROUND, CONFLICTS, AND U.S. POLICY. Carol Migdalovitz. Congressional Research Service (CRS), Library of Congress. Updated April 10, 2007.
Full Text [pdf format, 37 pages]

Congress is concerned about the Middle East peace process because of its oversight role in foreign policy matters, its support to Israel, and concerns from its constituents. Congress is especially apprehensive about financial and other commitments to the parties in the Middle East. This report provides background information and an overview of the conflicts in the Middle East since 1991. This report will be updated as warranted.

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Gordon, Vikki UNILATERALLY SHAPING U.S. NATIONAL SECURITY POLICY: THE ROLE OF NATIONAL SECURITY DIRECTIVES (Presidential Studies Quarterly, Vol. 37, No. 2, June 2007, pp. 349-367)
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Among the foreign-policy tools that the President has at his disposal is the little-known National Security Directive (NSD). This tool of unilateral action was established during the Truman administration, initially as policy research papers designed to help the President in his decision-making process. It was not until the Kennedy Administration that NSDs were used to articulate policy decisions. NSDs are also used to request information from government agencies and formulate a cohesive policy for national action. Most NSDs are classified and unless the Administration releases an unclassified version or a fact sheet (usually to garner public support for a policy), neither Congress nor the public is aware that the Executive Branch has acted unilaterally on a particular policy. From the Kennedy through the Bush I Administrations (NSDs during the Clinton and Bush II Administrations remain classified), the author believes that 1200 NSDs have been issued, covering such topics as guidance for treaty negotiations, management coordination, setting policies for countries or regions, developing national security doctrines, arms sales, economic policy or establishing positions on international issues such as space, science, environment, refugees, human rights or public diplomacy. NSDs have long-lasting influence since they remain in effect unless rescinded by a later administration. The author, a PH.D candidate at Oxford Brookes University, notes that very little research has been done on NSDs and their effects since they remain out of the public domain. For this reason, Congress does not have the opportunity to either acquiesce or overturn a policy generated through the NSD process.

TOWARD AN ANGOLA STRATEGY: PRIORITIZING U.S. ANGOLA RELATIONS: AN INDEPENDENT COMMISSION REPORT. Independent Preventive Action Commission, Center for Preventive Action, Council on Foreign Relations. May 7, 2007.
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Angola has had peace since 2002 when the civil war ended. Angola’s leaders want a strong relationship with the U.S., but are suspicious of American policy. “After a careful assessment of the country, the CPA’s [Center for Preventive Action] Independent Preventive Action Commission finds Angola to be an emerging power on the African continent, one with the potential to realize long-term stability and prosperity.” 

The Commission believes that the U.S. should state that Angola is important to the U.S., deserves diplomatic attention, and should receive sustained assistance. The U.S. should also advance regular bilateral discussions and promote cooperation with multilateral organizations.

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Levitt, Matthew PUTIN'S NEW FRIENDS: MOSCOW HOSTS HAMAS (Weekly Standard, Vol. 12, No. 26, March 19, 2007, pp 14-15)
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The author, a scholar at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy and author of HAMAS: POLITICS, CHARITY AND TERRORISM IN THE SERVICE OF JIHAD, writes that that Russia is pursuing an increasingly assertive foreign policy at odds with U.S. interests. Levitt notes that for the second time in a year, Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov has hosted a visit to Moscow by Hamas leader Khaled Mashaal. “The red carpet visit occurred despite Hamas's refusal to recognize Israel, renounce violence, or accept previous Israeli-Palestinian agreements as required by the Quartet, comprising the United States, European Union, United Nations, and – yes -- Russia,” Levitt writes. At the same time, according to the author, Russia is weighing selling advanced anti-tank weapons systems to Syria, which supplied Hezbollah with Russian-made weapons that were used in the 2006 attacks against Israel. For Levitt, the Russian courtship of Hamas is “particularly strange” because Hamas has ties to the Chechen Muslim insurgents who have been fighting Russia for years. Meanwhile, Hamas has established its own standing militia of 6,000 fighters to rival mainstream Palestinian security forces.

AA07190
Secor, Laura. KEEP AWAY: THE CASE FOR DOING NOTHING
(New Republic, April 23, 2007, pp. 15-16)
Full text available from your nearest American Library

As part of a series of four essays written by different authors under the title “Iran: What Next?” Secor argues: “Getting involved in the Iranian opposition might make us (Americans) feel good, but it will only hurt the people we seek to help.” Secor says accepting U.S. aid only endangers Iranians that are part of a democratic movement she describes as “large, organized, intellectually sophisticated and politically skilled.” NGOs and other groups that accept U.S. aid, she notes, are labeled as part of a U.S. plot to overthrow the Islamic Republic. What the Iranian oppositions wants, and what the United State should do more of, Secor writes, is promote cultural and academic exchanges. “This will undoubtedly sound like a disappointing comedown to those who dream of fomenting revolution by remote control. But there is a deep and genuine thirst among Iranians for knowledge and experience of Western liberalism,” she writes. Slaking that thirst, she says, can have far-reaching, positive consequences that are in the best interest of the United States.

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Kirchick, James. AFRICA'S NEW HEGEMON: FROM CAPE TO CAIRO VIA BEIJING
(Weekly Standard, Vol. 12, No. 24, March 5, 2007, pp 14-16)
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The author notes that China is actively wooing African countries in order to secure sources of oil for its ever-expanding economy. Kirchick writes that oil is the latest motivation behind China’s interest in Africa -- in the 1960s, Beijing made ideological contacts with African Marxist movements and governments, among them Robert Mugabe's African National Union in Zimbabwe. That has changed over the years, Kirchick said, to selling Chinese weaponry to whomever in Africa would buy it, including Zimbabwe and Sudan, the latter using it to prolong the slaughter in Darfur. But now, Kirchick says, "Oil, simply put, drives Chinese policy in Africa." Angola is now China's third-leading oil supplier (behind Iran and Saudi Arabia). China also buys 60 percent of Sudan's oil output. Whereas the United States and most western governments stress democracy, human rights, and the like, China "demands no such assurances from its partners."

CRAFTING A U.S. POLICY ON ASIA: BACKGROUNDER.
Carin Zissis. Council on Foreign Relations. April 10, 2007.
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U.S. policy in the East Asian region has been focused on long-running conflicts; such as the Korean peninsula and the Taiwan Strait; but after 9/11, U.S. attentions shifted to the Middle East and counterterrorism efforts. A consensus of experts believes that “American’s standing in the Asia-Pacific region has suffered over the past decade”; and to recoup our prestige in the region, American policies need to concentrate on strengthening multilateral organizations such as ASEAN and APEC.

JOINT STRATEGIC PLAN: FISCAL YEARS 2007-2012: TRANSFORMATIONAL DIPLOMACY.
U.S. Agency for International Development and U.S. Department of State. Web posted April 9, 2007.
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This report sets forth the direction and priorities for the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) and for the U.S. Department of State (State). It also supports and defines the policy positions that will be used to implement foreign policy and development assistance. This report is submitted as required by the Government Performance and Results Act of 1993 (GPRA).

IS THE UNITED STATES LOSING TURKEY?
Rajan Menon and S. Enders Wimbush. Working Paper, New America Foundation. March 25, 2007.
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In February, the Hudson Institute convened a small working group “to ascertain whether the United States risks “losing” Turkey as a long-time and critical ally.” This report draws from the discussions that took place at this workshop as well as an independent analysis written by Messrs. Memon and Winbush. The conclusion of the participants of the working group was that the alliance between the U.S. and Turkey “is now in serious trouble,” but there is time to act if leaders on both sides move quickly.

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Tsafos, Nikos. BIG OIL AND BIG TALK: RESOURCE POPULISM IN INTERNATIONAL POLITICS
(SAIS Review, Vol. 27, No. 1, Winter-Spring 2007, 147-157)
Full text available from your nearest American Library

The author, with the Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies, notes that national leaders in South America and Africa seized on resource populism, taking on a combative stance with the multinational oil companies, and diverting more oil revenue to national treasuries. Oil companies are easy targets because they are big and because they profit from extracting non-renewable natural resources. But populism has a price, notes the author, mostly in reduced investment by the oil companies. With fewer places around the world for oil companies to explore for oil and gas, countries can afford populist attacks -- for a while anyway. Sooner or later, populism will likely lose favor, however, as reduced investment begins to hurt, as oil-producing countries suffer oil energy shortages of their own, and as alternative energy sources emerge.

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Foulon, Mark; Padilla, Christopher. IN PURSUIT OF SECURITY AND PROSPERITY: TECHNOLOGY CONTROLS FOR A NEW ERA. (Washington Quarterly, vol. 30, no. 2, Spring 2007, pp. 83-90)
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Globalization has broken down the neat divisions between national security policy and economic policies, according to Foulon, acting undersecretary of commerce for industry and security and Padilla, assistant secretary of commerce for export administration. As a result, policies once regarded as mainly security-related like nonproliferation, defense sales, and border protection now have important implications for economic policy. Now, the authors say, traditional economic issues like foreign direct investment, tax, and visa policy, increasingly have security implications. Nowhere is this more evident than in the area of technology collaboration between U.S. companies in the areas of technology trade, research and development, and overseas manufacturing. In this new dynamic U.S. policymakers must "strike the right balance of controls, incentives, and market-based policies to allow the United States to reap the benefits of technology collaboration while minimizing its potential threats to national and economic security," the authors contend.

AA07114
Halper, Stefan. BIG IDEAS, BIG PROBLEMS
(National Interest, no. 88, March/April 2007, pp. 92-96)
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Adding to the debate about why neither U.S. military might nor America’s “story” is winning overseas, Halper, a senior fellow at the Centre of International Studies at the University of Cambridge and a member of the Nixon, Ford, and Reagan administrations, finds that the U.S. has exhibited a recurrent syndrome in mishandling global threats, from Communism during the McCarthy years to Iraq today. Once “irrational impulse prevails over rational policy,” a flawed approach to the challenge ensues. He fingers America’s penchant for “Big Ideas” -– “slogans that compress complex issues into simple nostrums” such as “Stay the Course” and “Domino Theory” -- and the 24/7 media cacophony as the culprits. The combination of these two forces stifles honest debate and leads to failed policy, shutting out institutions like Congress that should provide pragmatic, informed analysis. Halper provides short analyses of how dissent was suppressed during the McCarthy years, the war in Vietnam, and the run-up to the ongoing Iraq war, in each case leading to detrimental results for the United States. Realism and balanced policies eventually reassert themselves, but only after the “big ideas” have failed. He warns that this syndrome must be avoided in the future, most immediately in our dealings with China.

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Kitfield, James. THE MONEY SQUEEZE ON IRAN
(National Journal, March 3, 2007, Vol. 39, No. 9, pp. 79-80)
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The author, an award-winning defense and foreign affairs correspondent for National Journal, describes the Bush administration’s aggressive strategy to deal with an increasingly bellicose and provocative regime in Tehran. The military aspect of this strategy has garnered most of the publicity, but key is a “quiet campaign to slowly constrict the lifeblood of the Iranian economy.” Using powers granted by the USA Patriot Act to cut off foreign banks that engage in money laundering using the U.S. financial system, the administration has prohibited several Iranian banks from doing business in dollars or working with American financial institutions, causing growing nervousness in the international banking community about doing business with Iran. U.S. officials have been surprised to see that private institutions have “often acted more proactively than foreign governments in cutting off terrorist funding,” a phenomenon evident in recent dealings with the Palestinian Authority after the election of Hamas and with North Korea. International cooperation in this approach of using “gradual economic coercion combined with patient diplomacy” gives rise to hopes that Iran will decide that it is in its interest to return to the negotiating table.

AA07078
Goldberg, Jeffrey. THE STARTING GATE: FOREIGN POLICY DIVIDES THE DEMOCRATS
(New Yorker, January 15, 2007)
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Further confirming that this is going to be a long election season, The New Yorker’s Jeffrey Goldberg, writing a year before the Democratic primary, notes that foreign policy, not the usual hot-button issues such as abortion or taxes, is what differentiates the potential 2008 Democratic presidential candidates from each other and from the Republicans. Goldberg examines why Senator Evan Bayh (D-IN), before even declaring his candidacy, decided against running: Bayh believes the Iraq war has turned some Democrats away from their internationalist tradition, and that has created a new dynamic which may not leave much room for more hawkish Democratic candidates. He then cites several studies about the Democratic-voting electorate to explore how the platforms of Democratic candidates Sen. Hillary Clinton (D-NY), former North Carolina Sen. John Edwards, and Sen. Barack Obama (D-IL) compare with Democratic voters’ views of foreign policy issues. Goldberg concludes that “a year before the primaries, the Democrats have solid contenders ... each of whom -- some more than others -- is struggling to design a credible series of foreign-policy beliefs for a party that has foreign-policy inclinations but no reigning philosophy.”

The State Department at Work in the 21st Century: Global Actions
Bureau of International Information Programs, U.S. Department of State. February 2007.
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This e- journal contains a collection of articles which present descriptions of how several State Department offices and bureaus work together to accomplish the department's mission—"to create a more secure, democratic, and prosperous world for the benefit of the American people and the international community." The "regional" bureaus described in the September 2006 eJournal USA have responsibility for particular regions of the world; these "functional" bureaus have worldwide responsibility for particular issues. This journal provides a picture of the "global actions" of these bureaus and their role in furthering U.S. policies.

FOREIGN AFFAIRS, DEFENSE, AND TRADE: KEY ISSUES FOR THE 110TH CONGRESS.
Clare M. Ribando and Bruce Vaughn. Congressional Research Service (CRS), Library of Congress. December 20, 2006.
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“This report identifies major issues most likely to be on the legislative agenda, discusses critical policy choices at stake, and summarizes some of the major alternatives that Congress may consider.” This report also identifies CRS reports that address these issues. Some of the issues confronting the new Congress are: (1) what to do with Iraq; (2) Afghanistan’s progress, (3) defense spending, and (4) trade issues.

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Lang, Col. W. Patrick Jr. WHAT IRAQ TELLS US ABOUT OURSELVES
(Foreign Policy, Web Exclusive, Posted February 2007)
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Colonel W. Patrick Lang Jr., a retired Army colonel and member of the Senior Executive Service, who served with the Special Forces in Vietnam, as an Arabic professor at West Point, and as chief defense intelligence officer for the Middle East, presents the provocative argument that the true root of the problem in Iraq is the perception of foreigners held by most Americans, who “mistakenly believe that when we say that ‘all men are created equal,’ it means that all people are the same.” He criticizes U.S. foreign policy as tending to be “predicated on the notion that everyone wants to be an American” and contends that we “invaded an imaginary Iraq that fit into our vision of the world. We invaded Iraq in the sure belief that inside every Iraqi there was an American trying to get out. In our dream version of Iraq, we would be greeted as not only liberators from the tyrant, but more importantly, from the old ways.” It is vital that we learn to “deal with alien peoples on their own terms, and within their own traditions” if we are to avoid another such catastrophe.

WORLD VIEW OF US ROLE GOES FROM BAD TO WORSE.
Programs on International Policy Attitudes (PIPA), Center on Policy Attitudes (COPA) and Center for International and Security Studies at Maryland (CISSM). January 23, 2007.
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The global view of the U.S. concerning world affairs has dropped significantly in the past year--according to a poll of 26,381 respondents across 25 countries. 49% of those polled say the U.S. is playing a mainly negative role around the world; and two-thirds believe that the U.S. presence in the Middle East creates more conflict. “The poll shows that world citizens disapprove of the way the US government has handled all six of the foreign policy areas explored.” The six foreign policy areas were: Iraq, Guantanamo detainees, Israeli-Hezbollah war, Iran’s nuclear program, global warming, and North Korea’s nuclear program.

OPPORTUNITIES FOR BIPARTISAN CONSENSUS 2007: WHAT BOTH REPUBLICANS AND DEMOCRATS WANT IN US FOREIGN POLICY.
Steven Kull. Program on International Policy Attitudes (PIPA), Center for International and Security Studies in Maryland (CISSM) and Center on Policy Attitudes (COPA). January 2007.
Full Text [pdf format, 34 pages]

WorldPublicOpinion.org conducted a public opinion survey on international issues as well as reviewed a number of other polls conducted over the past year and a half. The questions concerned the following areas: making foreign policy; the U.S. role in the world; use of military force; spending priorities; weapons of mass destruction (WMD) proliferation; multilateral institutions; human rights; environment; international trade; and regional issues.